The Canadian Modern Language Review / La revue canadienne des langues vivantes

Endangered languages

There is an urgent need to address the current state of Indigenous languages in Canada. British Columbia is home to 34 Indigenous languages, and all of these languages are considered to be endangered (First Peoples' Cultural Council [FPCC], 2014). First Nations communities are undertaking considerable work to revitalize their languages. However, teaching and learning an endangered Indigenous language present a set of unique issues and challenges. Among these challenges are few fluent speakers available to teach the languages, the passing of Elder speakers who hold specialized cultural and grammatical knowledge, limited language resources to draw upon, and social and emotional barriers resulting from colonization and assimilation policies and practices.

Decolonizing language revitalization

Colonization and assimilation policies and practice, including the potlatch ban and residential schools, have resulted in Indigenous language loss (Bell & Napoleon, 2008; FPCC, 2014). At the same time that [End Page 426] Indigenous languages are rapidly declining, linguists have predicted that approximately 90% of the world's languages will disappear in the next 100 years (Krauss, 1992; Skutnabb-Kangas & McCarty, 2008).

Knowing one's language is a crucial component of identity and the expression of distinct cultures (Battiste, 2002; Ignace & Ignace, 2008; Rosborough, 2012). The United Nations Convention on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples recognizes that Indigenous Peoples have the right to revitalize, use, develop, and transmit to future generations their history, language, and culture (United Nations Economic and Social Council, 2008; United Nations General Assembly, 2007). There is much consensus that Indigenous ways of looking at the world have been severely disrupted by colonization (Battiste & Henderson, 2000; Denzin, Lincoln, & Smith, 2008; Ts'msyeen Sm'algyax Authority, 2000) and Indigenous scholars have argued that there is a strong relationship between language revitalization and decolonization (Alfred, 2005; Alfred & Corntassel, 2005; Battiste, 1998; Cajete, 1994; Smith, 1999). This view is supported by the sociolinguistic literature, for example Nettle and Romaine (2000), who claim that "a way of life disappears with the death of a language." Research from the field of linguistics and cognitive psychology "has resulted in new understandings about the ways in which languages shape the way we think, perceive and organize the world in culturally meaningful ways, and BC First Nations languages provide irreplaceable ways of organizing the social and natural world, based on the ancient, cumulative human experience of First Peoples" (Ignace, 2015, p. 12). It has also been convincingly argued that studies contributing to the revitalization efforts of North American Indigenous languages are pivotal to the well-being of both Indigenous communities and our societies in general.

Indigenous languages are seen as the most tangible symbols of group identity, and the learning of those languages by community members has been shown to be positively correlated with overall health and well-being in those communities (Chandler & Lalonde, 2008; Hallett, Chandler, & Lalonde, 2007; Jenni, Anisman, Mclvor, & Jacobs, 2017; Mclvor, Napoleon, & Dickie, 2009). The revitalizing, learning, and understanding of an Indigenous language play an important role in the process of decolonization because the insights, contexts, understandings, and frameworks they provide differ from those provided by Indo-European languages (Alfred, 2005; Atleo, 2004; Battiste & Henderson, 2000; Nicolson, 2013; Pitawanakwat, 2009; Waziyatawin, 2005). Indigenous Elders and first language speakers offer important knowledge about the worldview expressed through their languages and thus are important collaborators in Indigenous language revitalization. The growing understandings of the [End Page 427] Kwak'wala words discussed in this article are possible only because of the continuous language mentorship provided to the lead author by her Elder relatives, Florence Hunt-Vesey and Violet Bracic. Elders should be extended recognition during the research process and honoured for the positive influence their knowledge can have for the researcher, for language learners, and for the community. An Indigenous relational approach to research opens the path to establishing reciprocal relationships within family and community; this relational approach begins with introducing oneself at the outset of the research process in relation to one's social and place-based connections (Rosborough & Rorick, 2017; Wilson, 2008) and fostering relationship-building from that foundation.

Indigenized approaches to teaching and learning Kwak'wala

The existing approaches to teaching BC's Indigenous languages are, according to Ignace & Ignace (2008), remnants from the 1970s beginnings of Indigenous language classroom instruction, relying heavily on the curricula for teaching primary English and French and other Western European languages. This is problematic because the form, or grammatical structure, of BC Indigenous languages is very different from that of English and French (Kell, 2014). Indigenous languages are often taught as translations of English, which leaves out the rich worldview and knowledge embedded in those languages and ignores the internal makeup of the words, its "building blocks."

Kwak'wala is a northern Wakashan language spoken by several First Nations of the central coast of BC. The Kwak'wala-speaking nations are known collectively as the Kwakwa̱ka̱'wakw. The First Peoples' Cultural Council's (2014) Report on the Status of BC First Nations Languages reports the total population of Kwak'wa̱ka̱'wakw as 7,309 and the number of fluent Kwak'wala speakers as 165. Kwak'wala has been taught as a subject in both First Nations and public schools for more than three decades, and there is BC Ministry of Education–approved curriculum in two school districts, SD 72 and SD 85. A growing number of community members are learning the language, and there are several Kwak'wala learning groups. Today's teachers are often adult learners of their language. Most fluent first language speakers of Kwakw'ala are Elderly, and they represent our last direct link to an ancient way of living and caring for the territory that is now shared with settlers.

Kwak'wala, like many BC Indigenous languages, is polysynthetic. A polysynthetic language expresses complex meanings and ideas via [End Page 428] a single word (Boas, 1911; Sapir, 1921; Mithun, 1989). Each unit of meaning within an Indigenous word often encodes a rich array of lexical and cultural meaning. These units, called "morphemes" by linguists, can be seen as "building blocks" of the language; a key feature of polysynthetic languages is that they have a high ratio of morphemes to words. The polysynthetic nature of BC's Indigenous languages has captured the attention of linguists, who are interested in gaining an understanding of the world's language typology (Baker, 1996; Berman, 1990; Boas, 1911; Boas, Yampolsky, & Harris, 1947; Rosborough, 2012). The acquisition of polysynthetic languages is also an area of linguistic inquiry (Mithun, 1989; Kelly, Wigglesworth, Nordlinger, & Blythe, 2014). This discussion of Kwak'wala draws upon previous linguistic investigations into the polysynthetic nature of Kwak'wala and recent works by Indigenous scholars that provide important insights into the role of language in the transmission and maintenance of Kwakwa̱ka̱'wakw knowledge and culture (Nicolson, 2013; Rosborough, 2012).

In both school and community language programs there has been a shift from a strong focus on grammar alongside memorization of vocabulary list and dialogue (Bell & Napoleon, 2008; Gardner, 2002; Greymorning, 1999; Rosborough, 2012) to a focus on communicative and experiential language learning (Kell, 2014) including models such as language nests, Total Physical Response, and the Master–Apprentice approach (Hinton, Vera, & Steele, 2002). This mirrors a movement that is currently underway in the field of second language acquisition. Recent research carried out by Nassaji and Fotos (2011) is concerned with providing a bridge between the focus on communicative language learning and the focus on grammar for second language learners. Language instruction which focuses on the grammatical properties of a language (form-focused instruction) has recently been found to be effective, and integrating grammar instruction and communicative language instruction are argued to have the potential to improve the effectiveness of language teaching. Moving away from scholarship advocating for the omission of direct grammar teaching (Krashen, 1993; Krashen & Terrell, 1983), recent research is now advocating for the introduction of a focus on grammar (form). Nassaji & Fotos (2011) point to recent research in second language acquisition which has shown that form-focused instruction in meaningful communicative contexts is especially effective for a high level of second language acquisition. Nassaji and Fotos's review of second language teaching does not include any Indigenous language programs; however, the argument for teaching grammar through communicative models has application for teaching Indigenous languages. As communicative models of language [End Page 429] teaching are being embraced in Indigenous language programs, there is an opportunity to be more deliberate about the incorporation of communicative grammar instruction. In the case of learning and teaching polysynthetic languages, form-focused instruction might begin with the building of words rather than with the building of sentences.

For the teaching and learning of polysynthetic languages, such as Kwak'wala, a combined attention to grammar and communication may be effective for both language acquisition and for the transmission of history, language, and cultural values across generations (Kell, 2014). Polysynthetic languages have many meaningful parts (morphemes) in a single word, and those words can incorporate the kind of information that is contained in sentences in languages like English and French. Who the participants are, what the action is, when the action takes place, and also where it takes place can all be expressed in a single word in Kwak'wala. As such, Kwak'wala grammar exists not only in sentences but also in the morpheme-rich construction of words. The literal meanings and metaphor embedded in these morpheme-rich words can be seen as a reflection of Kwakwa̱ka̱'wakw knowledge and ways of seeing the world. In the words of Elder Julia Nelson, "almost everything you say in Kwak'wala is describing something. It's a describing language." For language revitalization to be an Indigenizing process, it is important that we consider not just how to retain the language (i.e., teach and learn it more effectively) but also to retain the worldview and understandings within the language – what can be thought of as the spirit of the language (Rosborough, 2012).

Kwak'wala morphology

Like other polysynthetic languages, Kwak'wala words are extremely rich and contain a great deal of information. Except for reduplication, the language is entirely suffixing, with over 400 suffixes. These can be grouped into different categories depending on how they affect the pronunciation of the word or by the kinds of meanings encoded in the suffixes. Most relevant are the range of meanings encoded in the suffixes, and we present a brief overview of how they are classified and highlight a few of the metaphorical meanings that embody a different worldview than found with literal English translations. Some suffixes are more relevant to syntactic function, while others add new concepts to the base; Boas et al. (1947, p. 225) are careful to point out that "[t]he demarcations between these groups are somewhat arbitrary because they are fundamentally based on the structure of European languages." They identify 19 different semantic classifications of suffixes, several of which have very specific concrete meanings, such as locations (e.g., [End Page 430] outside, on the beach, in the house), body parts (on the hand, on the head), number of human beings, emotional attitudes, and shapes or limitations of form (long, flat, bundle). Consider the following words that demonstrate Kwak'wala location suffixes meaning "on the beach" (a), "outside" (b), and "in the house" (c) combined with roots meaning "fire" (1), "sleep" (2), and "sit down" (3).

1. 1. "fire"

   1. a. la̱g̱wis "fire on the beach"

   2. b. la̱ḵ̓wa̱s "fire outside"

   3. c. la̱g̱̱wił "fire in the house"

2. 2. "sleep"

   1. a. mix̱'alis "to sleep on the beach"

   2. b. mix̱'a̱s "to sleep outside"

   3. c. mix̱'alił "to sleep in the house"

3. 3. "sit down"

   1. a. k̓waga'lis "to sit down on the beach"

   2. b. k̓wa's¹ "to sit outside"

   3. c. k̓waga'lił "to sit down in the house"

A Kwak'wala way of expressing where something occurs is made explicit through attention to lexical suffixes in the above examples. Exploring some of the concepts associated with these lexical suffixes further, Kwak'wa̱ka̱'wakw artist Marianne Nicolson (2013) has discovered a strong connection between the body, the house, and the land that runs deeply throughout the language and the culture. The following words, which all contain the suffix -axst(a) "mouth," illustrate this close conceptual connection.

1. 4. -axst(a) "mouth" (Nicolson, 2013, p. 96, citing Boas et al., 1947, p. 305)

   1. a. ga'-axst-ala "to breakfast" early-mouth-cont

   2. b. 'i'k-axst-a "to speak nicely, good mouth" good-mouth-nom

   3. c. mag-axsta-'lił "close to door of house" jerk?-mouth-of.house

   4. d. nak-axsta-'lis "middle(entrance) of bay" middle-mouth-of.beach(land)

The significance of understanding these concepts for language learning and revitalization is highlighted throughout Nicolson's (2013) [End Page 431] thesis. Through an examination of the body = house = land metaphor, she describes the Kwakwa̱ka̱'wakw conceptualization that "both houses and the landscape are animate, alive and can be characterized in humanistic ways" (p. 116). Through analysis of Kwakwa̱ka̱'wakw culture and linguistic forms, she demonstrates ways in which the "language and culture are intrinsically linked on the conceptual level" (p. 116). Nicolson is concerned that "replacing Kwak'wala with English shifts our relationship to our past, our histories, our lands and to each other as Kwakwa̱ka̱'wakw people" (p. 488).

As Indigenous language scholars concurrently learning and teaching, we need to explore and create learning experiences that reflect Kwakwa̱ka̱'wakw cultural understandings. For example, through new teaching strategies, can we more effectively teach lexical suffixes in ways that lead to both conceptual understandings of Kwakwa̱ka̱'wakw worldview and support learners in applying these units of meaning to understanding and producing words?

Beautiful words and worldview

While strong fluent speakers and linguists who work with Kwak'wala have knowledge and appreciation of the literal meanings expressed through morpheme rich-words, those understandings are often not reflected in the approaches for teaching and learning the language. English translations of Kwak'wala can be insufficient in conveying worldview. An understanding and awareness of morphemes can allow for deeper engagement with cultural concepts and an appreciation for the beauty of Kwak'wala words.

Consider the following beautiful words that Trish Rosborough, a Kwakwa̱ka̱'wakw community member and Kwak'wala learner, has come to appreciate more over time:

ḵ̓wa̱la'yu – a term of endearment used to address a loved child, the literal meaning of this word is "my reason for living."

1. 5. ḵ̓wa̱la'yu

   ḵ̓wa̱-la-yu

   life-CONT-instrument

a̱ngwaxtłas – often taught as "what is your name?" but can be understood literally as "who is on your head?" (Boas et al., 1947, p. 264), referring to the responsibility and honour that one carries when given an ancestral name.

1. 6. a̱ngwaxtłas

   a̱ngwa-xtła-as [End Page 432]

   who-top.of.head-you

hayasa̱kola – often taught to mean "married couple," but the literal translation can be understood as "breathing together as one."

The literal meanings of these words express important Kwakwa̱ka̱'-wakw values of family relationships and heritage. While morphemerich words exist across domains in Kwak'wala, the words connected to concepts of relationship are especially beautiful, and when their literal meanings are understood they have the potential to draw community members to the language. The word ḵ̓wala'yu, for example, continues to be spoken and recognized within the Kwakwa̱ka̱'wakw community even by non-fluent speakers of Kwak'wala. Many hear the word as a term of endearment even if they do not grasp its literal meaning. However, more recently, the word has become part of the community discourse within language and culture recovery. Community members embrace the literal meaning of ḵ̓wala'yu, "my reason for living," as an expression of the importance that Kwakwa̱ka̱'wakw place on their children. Similarly, many non-fluent Kwakwa̱ka̱'wakw community members will understand the question "a̱ngwaxtłas?" to mean "what is your name?" or, more accurately, "what is your Kwakwa̱ka̱'wakw name?" To understand the literal meaning, "who is on your head?," provokes a deeper appreciation of the question that emphasizes the importance of naming within the Kwakwa̱ka̱'wakw traditions: "The image of a name placed on top of one's head that is depicted in the word a̱ngwaxtłas is a powerful reflection of the Kwakwa̱ka̱'wakw worldview. Through the practice of naming, we carry our ancestors with us; through our identities, responsibilities to our families are placed upon us. Each time the name is said, it invokes the connections, rights, and responsibilities that come with carrying the name" (Rosborough, 2012, p. 131).

Recovering an appreciation of the beauty and richness of such words may be a key to the revitalization of the language. As a Kwak'wala learner and researcher, Rosborough (2012) compares this to art appreciation education, in which a focus on aesthetics and an understanding of structure, form, and technique can increase a viewer's enjoyment of a visual art display. She suggests that knowledge of the constructs of Kwak'wala words may help learners to access the beauty of the language: "A Kwak'wala appreciation approach through discovering, sharing, and celebrating beautiful words that demonstrate embedded Kwakwa̱ka̱'wakw values and worldviews would make Kwak'wala learning a joyful experience that fosters both the development of the language revitalization community and the community's well-being" (p. 152). [End Page 433]

Conclusion: Enriching approaches to Indigenous language learning

Motivated by a desire to Indigenize our approach to language revitalization, we propose that attention to the constructs and metaphors of Kwak'wala words will allow for both deeper understandings of Kwakwaka̱'wakw worldview and improve language acquisition outcomes. The research of Kwakwaka̱'wakw scholars Nicolson and Rosborough invite the investigation of new strategies for teaching and learning grammatically complex Indigenous languages. Giving consideration to linguistic structures can be important for successful language learning, the maintenance and revitalization of Indigenous languages, and the successful transmission of Indigenous knowledge and worldview. We need further research to apply these understandings to models of teaching and learning in order to improve the retention and transmission of Indigenous knowledge and worldview through the language. Given the move toward communicative models of language learning, it is especially important to explore ways to apply understandings of linguistic structure within communicative based Indigenous language programs. These understandings can contribute directly to improved language acquisition practice for Kwak'wala teachers and learners while providing models for other Indigenous languages that have polysynthetic structures.