Henry James's Art of Eating

Imagine marrying Mr. Mudge. Such is the fate of the telegraphist heroine in Henry James's 1898 novella, In the Cage—to tie herself for life to a man whose entire being seems permeated by his grocer's trade. "His very beauty was the beauty of a grocer," she thinks of her "oleaginous" fiancé; moreover, his thought processes seem equally bent on reducing love and pleasure alike to their alimentary equivalents. For Mudge, "all enjoyments were . . . interrelated. . . . The more flirtations, as he might roughly express it, the more cheese and pickles. He had even in his own small way been dimly struck with the linked sweetness connecting the tender passion with cheap champagne, or perhaps the other way round." Unsurprising, then, to find that on their holiday together, the mysterious "'sundries'" which "had figured conspiciously in his prospective sketch of their tour" finally, after much deferral, "defin[e] themselves unmistakeably as chocolate-creams."1 As the girl tries to tell her grocer friend about some of what has been occupying her inner life of late, these chocolate-creams calmly disappear, one by one, into the mouth of Mudge.

It has long been assumed that no one does much eating in James's fiction. In one critic's words, "It is hard to think of an occasion in a novel of James when a real taste is tasted or a real smell smelled."2 His interest in, rather, the rarefied realm of thought and feeling was for years the scholarly commonplace; yet what, then, can we say about the chocoholic Mudge? In fact, though Mudge does introduce the world of food into at least one Jamesian text, his mode of doing so would seem rather to confirm than to deny the existing understanding of James's relation to that universe.3 In essence, Mudge affirms the Kantian line separating the "taste of sense"—physical, gustatory taste—from the "taste of reflection," or aesthetic "taste," which to achieve disinterestedness must leave the desiring body behind.4 That is, Mudge's very tendency to recur to the world of physical tastes, both literally and as a heuristic for making sense of other pleasures, clearly works in the novella to distinguish his commonplace, earthbound ambitions from the imaginative flights of his more sensitive fiancée, herself often read as a stand-in for the author.5 As Tony Tanner puts [End Page 27] it, neatly linking these two aspects of Mudge's character, the grocer "leads a purely physical existence: he voices the claims of the creature who wishes to join the herd."6

I.

Need our bodily appetites perpetually signify, as they do for Tanner, no more than the lowest common denominator of human existence? What if James, of all writers, could show us ways in which the two forms of taste interact rather than opposing one another? This is what I wish to argue here. The dismissal of the gustatory realm has recently begun to receive a sustained and, in many respects, salutary challenge from a burgeoning interest across the humanities and social sciences in taking food and eating seriously as subjects for scholarly consideration. New volumes—from Sociology on the Menu to Kitchen Culture in America—strive to make clear alimentation's significance to the structuring concerns of their respective fields; others, such as the anthology Food and Culture: A Reader, demonstrate that this work is not wholly without historical precedent.7 Of the disciplines in question, anthropology appears to possess the longest history of attending to eating practices; philosophy, perhaps the shortest.8 As Carolyn Korsmeyer points out in Making Sense of Taste: Philosophy and Food, philosophers since Plato (who in the Timaeus presents appetite as "a wild animal . . . chained up with man") have posited a "hierarchy of the senses," with the purportedly more objective, detached sense of sight at the apex, and taste, weighed down by its associations with gross sensuality and "selfish interest," at the bottom.9 The Kantian distinction between aesthetic and gustatory taste, then, clearly grows out of this framework. Aesthetic theory becomes a way to develop a model of clearheaded judgment and preference not tied to the body's indelicate, urgent demands.

The recent turn toward "food studies," then, aims at just these sorts of long-presumed distinctions between mind and body; indeed, books in the field often begin by explaining the topic's long neglect as a function of not only its "taken-for-grantedness" but its persistent association with the sort of "baser senses, instincts, and bodily functions" deemed "not suited for scholarly or 'mental' pursuit."10 I would argue, however, that the attempt to address this split between body and mind most often turns out to involve an implicit capitulation to the split's own terms. To be sure, unlike nearly all their scholarly predecessors, the food studies writers do consider scenes of literal tasting. Yet the point of these, over [End Page 28] and over, is to elevate eating by showing that its occasions reach for something far more transcendent—and specifically human—than the satisfaction of a bestial hunger. In particular, the shared experience of the meal is shown to strengthen social bonds (seen in the etymology of "companion": the one with whom one shares bread), and can even become the foundation of the holiest ceremonies, from ritual sacrifices to the collectively consumed Eucharist.

In emphasizing these transmutations of eating, contemporary scholars echo the earliest social scientists to give the topic extended attention in late-nineteenth-century England, France, Germany, and the United States. For such writers as Robertson Smith and Marcel Mauss, too, the key lay in emphasizing not appetite but the socially unifying aspects of the meal. On the one hand, such rituals showed what all human cultures, across time and space, held in common. Yet on the other hand, in their relative elaboration, they could also map an evolutionary trajectory toward the writers' own late nineteenth-century West. As Georg Simmel put it in a 1910 essay, "[T]o the extent that a meal becomes a sociological matter, it becomes more stylized, more aesthetic, and more supraindividually regulated." From "the first conquest of the naturalism of eating" in the notion of regular meals, human societies moved on, through a long acquisition of increasingly codified manners and customs, to that exemplum of alimentary ritual, the Victorian middle-class dinner party.11 As an 1888 American Anthropologist article reminded its readers, "Brutes feed. The best barbarian only eats. Only the cultured man can dine."12

The modern subject emerges here, as in important historical studies of manners such as Norbert Elias's The Civilizing Process, as defined by his capacity to sublimate those urges that might otherwise make evident his link to lower forms of life.13 Like the dinner party, the late nineteenth-century development of the now-familiar culture of dieting and nutrition offered new opportunities for class distinctions, as middle-class reformers began to lament the preferences of working-class diners for heavy meats that signified "plenty" for its own sake, rather than cost-effectiveness or nutritional value.14 The values employed here, Pierre Bourdieu has argued, resemble those at work in the notion of the dinner party as emblem of distinction: in either case, the lower-class eater is said to seek out simply instant gratification, while the bourgeois diner, intent on consuming "with all due form," "so as to deny the crudely material reality of the act of eating," its link to "animal nature," begins ironically to approach "asceticism."15 [End Page 29]

In this sense, literal tasting indeed becomes, for the civilized diner, little different from the employment of aesthetic taste.16 In their aesthetic preferences, too, the masses are said to seek a "primitive" form of pleasure modeled directly on bodily sensation, while the privileged few recognize that the appreciation of true art requires sublimation—to the extent, indeed, that Bourdieu terms their actual experience "pleasure purified of pleasure," so insistent is it on denying any relish or gusto to the aesthetic encounter.17 Instead, he argues, the true aim of the discourse of taste is evident: simply to affirm class hierarchy. Hence, in his monumental study Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste, he hopes to overcome this invidious tendency by bringing the abjected body back to bear on discussions of aesthetics—reconnecting "the elaborated taste for the most refined objects . . . with the elementary taste for the flavours of food" (and, similarly, rooting culture in the high Arnoldian sense back in its anthropological equivalent).18

In the realm of fiction, it can certainly be argued, the realist novel of manners affirms the link between the two forms of taste. Like the anthropological writings of the same era, as Nancy Bentley has argued, the realist text chronicles the complex knowledges involved in such social rituals as dining, as well as the devastation of exposure for those who failed to meet the standards.19 William Dean Howells's Rise of Silas Lapham paints a classic portrait of the horrors visited upon the unlucky soul who oversteps the bounds of dinner-party etiquette in particular. Even while critiquing the culture in question, however, the novelist often makes clear his own possession of taste in the broader sense of both aesthetic and social refinement; thus, Howells's narrator not only mocks the Laphams' interior-decorating preferences, but notes that they drink Oolong tea, as "none of them had a sufficiently cultivated palate for Souchong."20

While a number of readers have noted the way displays of proper dining and overall good taste converge in both Howells and Edith Wharton, however, the virtual absence of interest in actual scenes of eating in James criticism would suggest that, in the Master's oeuvre, aesthetic taste has fully triumphed over its eaterly counterpart. Certainly, such a view would comport with the long tradition of materialist readings of James, from Fredric Jameson to Jonathan Freedman and beyond, which have stressed his management of the problem of a mass readership through an "austere" insistence on notions of aesthetic distinction.21 In a Bourdieuian gesture, Arnold Bennett thus attempted to bring back the gustatory to the standard public view of James as [End Page 30] ascetic, reading the novelist's imagined comportment at table through the alimentary qualities, or shortcomings, of his fiction. Thus, James's "fastidiousness" as a writer, the "thinness" of his work and the sense it gave of being "packed close with vitamines," suggested a man who, Bennett complained, in his private life probably never enjoyed the simple pleasures of a pint of beer.22

James's most famous essays on the writing of fiction imply that he would reject such an analogy between the literary and the culinary, finding inappropriate its conflation of aesthetic and physical taste. In that very act of rejection, however, he confirms the elevation of the aesthetic sort at which the Bourdieuian critique is aimed. In both "The Art of Fiction" and "The Future of the Novel," after all, it is the mass reader who, mistakenly in James's view, conceives of literary works as forms of food. That reader, "for whom taste is but an obscure, confused, immediate instinct"—for whom, in other words, all "taste" functions with the thoughtless, animal instantaneousness of physical taste—believes simply (along with many writers of novels) that "a novel is a novel, as a pudding is a pudding, and that our only business with it could be to swallow it."23 Such readers thus prefer happy endings for the same reason that they believe "a course of desserts and ices" should follow a meal; no surprise, then, that the writer who denies them such treats would appear akin to a pusher of "vitamines," bent on "forbid[ding] agreeable aftertastes."24 Yet the novelist is not a purveyor of food, is not to be confused with the grocer, as James put it in an 1895 letter to Edmund Gosse (in a characterization tellingly opposed to that of James Joyce, who once compared the novelist precisely to a grocer).25 The novelist, that is, is not a Mr. Mudge.

Or is he? In this essay, I argue that In the Cage in fact ends up possessing a far less straightforward posture in relation to these matters than the simple case of Mudge might imply. In his characterization of Mudge's fiancée, the story's telegraphist heroine, James actually ends up calling into question his own essays' divide between the physical and the metaphysical, and he does so precisely by re-conceiving the imagination's work as a form of eating. The novella, when considered alongside James's other writings from the same era, thus contests the long tradition I've just sketched, from Simmel and other turn-of-the-century writers to contemporary food studies, in which eating can only be purged of its animalistic associations by being transformed into something perceived as higher. James, we'll see, does the opposite, transforming more valorized human activities—most notably, art itself—into instances of gustation. As a result, he comes closer [End Page 31] than we still often seem able to do to imagining a truly embodied subjectivity.

Queer theory, of course, has led the way in transforming the familiar view of James as ascetic renouncer, stressing instead the possibility that he often, rather, reconstrues the erotic in forms for which criticism may need to develop new languages.26 Yet while parallels can be drawn between the remarkable rise of sexuality studies and the more recent turn to food studies, based on their common interest in taking bodily matters seriously, important differences also characterize the two lines of inquiry. For one thing, the curiously ambivalent discourse of aesthetic taste means that an examination of eating can, in a writer like James, become a way into the consideration of aesthetics. Yet at the same time, eating also differs in being much harder to sever from animal necessity. Regardless of how tastefully we eat, we still eat because we must—a fact that arguably lends an important complexity to the study of food, whereas to stress the tie to reproduction of the species seems to limit rather than to widen our consideration of the sexual.

These two opposing features—the tie to aesthetics, and the tie to necessity—help to explain why eating comes especially front and center in a work like In the Cage. As mentioned earlier, the story shares with other James texts the possibility of treating the heroine as an artist manqué. Yet, as Nicola Nixon has argued, this work also stands out amid James's corpus for its "Zola-esque naturalism": specifically, its depiction of a working heroine, rare among the author's protagonists, whose entrapment in the "cage" of economic necessity is portrayed in the explicitly physical terms of cramped space and unpleasant odors.27 Indeed, we might say the story appears strikingly bifurcated—quite literally, we will see in a moment—between a more familiarly Jamesian realist novel of manners involving romantic dalliances among the upper crust and a naturalist world where marriage to a grocer can keep a "caged" girl from joining her "starved sister" (C, 387).

Presented as a bifurcation, this depiction of dual realms need not, of course, trouble the split between the world of taste as refinement and that of gustatory taste; it might well seem to cement that divide, mapping the two sorts of taste onto the two competing modes of fiction. This is, as I will show, how most readers, from very different critical perspectives, have viewed In the Cage. Yet the story also, we will further see, clearly chips away at this split, most evidently by allowing the naturalist perspective gradually to blanket the entire story, such that what Bourdieu terms the "taste of necessity" indeed becomes generalized, and all inhabitants stand revealed with their animalistic, "caged" qualities on display.28 [End Page 32]

James might appear, then, to move from his perch as high priest of aesthetic taste to, against all odds, progenitor of the Bourdieuian alternative. Finally, however, what I wish to demonstrate here are the limits of that alternative itself, and, hence, the way In the Cage at its most innovative pushes equally past both of these options, which in fact turn out to share much despite their apparent opposition. We've seen that the well-mannered, dieting, nutrition-conscious modern subject is most typically characterized in the terms of the initial opposition between the two sorts of taste—as learning ever more assiduously to transmute the "sheer naturalism of eating" into something more refined.29 Yet we must remember that that same subject is also often conceived, again from the late nineteenth century forward, in just the opposite terms: as a combatant in a Darwinian universe that collapses distinctions between man and beast, precisely by stressing the governing laws of "eat or be eaten" and "dog eat dog." If the discourse of manners affirms class hierarchies, social Darwinism at least holds the potential to level them; for worker and capitalist alike, as the American Darwinist William Graham Sumner put it, "This is a world in which the rule is, 'Root, hog, or die.'"30

As I will show, James, writing in 1898, would best be situated at the intersection between these two opposing discourses of the modern individual. Moreover, we continue in many ways to find ourselves at the same intellectual crossroads. The image of an evolutionarily driven homo economicus is, for example, the most common alternative within contemporary food studies to the stress on the human freedom to transmute food into culture. Where the cultural option tends to leave the embodied urgency of eating behind, for the evolutionary one, that urgency is all there is: human food choices become, first and foremost, the result of such materially determinative factors as evolution, nutrition, economics, and climate.31 Thus, we find repeated in this field one of the most familiar and stubborn divides in contemporary scholarship, that between a more humanistic discourse wary of biology for its deterministic resonances, and a scientific one for which the latter becomes the only acceptable tool of explanation.

The only thing the two sides might be said to agree on, tellingly, is that eating itself is an animalistic behavior; this is either blandly affirmed, from the sociobiological perspective, or, to preserve the dignity of culture, seems to require a move toward leaving the body behind, as for the humanists. Through my reading of James here, then, I aim to find some ways of beginning to move beyond this problematic impasse. In the Cage, for the reasons I've just mentioned, offers an ideal space [End Page 33] for doing so. Written amid the conflict between these discourses, the novella moves through each one, making clear both what appeals to James about it and what seems limited. Finally, however, he introduces a third possibility, the only one among them to recast eating itself in new terms—terms whereby the very individuality of persons, and even their power of aesthetic expression, could be expressed not in opposition to but, rather, through their cagedness in physical form.

II.

The bifurcation that initially structures In the Cage, between the realm of refined taste and that of literal tasting, is rendered at the start of the story in spatial terms: "our young woman" (the story's nameless heroine) sits "sandwiched" between what appear as the two opposed worlds of those who deal in food and those who deal in words. Only a "frail structure of wood and wire" separates the telegraph-office from the grocery adjoining it (C, 368). In the girl's view, "the social, the professional separation was a gulf," yet the grocery makes itself persistently felt, not only in the form of the only temporarily banished Mudge (who, having secured a job elsewhere, waits to whisk his fiancée away to married life in Chalk Farm), but in the "presence of hams, cheese, dried fish, soap, varnish, paraffin and other solids and fluids that she came to know perfectly by their smells without consenting to know them by their names" (C, 368, 367). As the quote suggests, the heroine would like to dwell on the separation rather than the proximity of the two realms, and the way to do so, as the story unfolds, seems to lie in increasingly inhabiting her own mind, as it embroiders the adventures of the upper-class individuals who send the telegrams. For whereas the "animals in the cage" are always in danger of being reduced to the purely physical world of the grocery, clients like the apparent illicit lovers Lady Bradeen and Lord Everard appear divorced from the material realm altogether (C, 428). Described as an "apparition," Bradeen possesses eyes that "seemed to reflect such utterly other things than the mean things actually before them" (that is, the truer "high reality"); for such an individual, no doubt, "a lady-telegraphist, and especially one who passed a life among hams and cheeses, was as the sand on the floor" (C, 378, 377, 414).

What is perhaps most striking about the accumulated criticism on In the Cage is its fundamental assent to the split that the heroine creates between these two worlds, even when it questions the meanings she gives them. The longest tradition of readers, beginning in the 1940s [End Page 34] with L. C. Knights, has read the telegraphist as a stand-in for the artist, and thus in essence has agreed with her that the most significant "reality" in the story is that of her own mind, that part of her that the "purely physical" Mudge cannot possibly grasp.32 Although this perspective might seem readily susceptible to a materialist critique, such critiques in fact tend to continue to oppose the two worlds, the point being only to stress that the heroine cannot finally escape the realm of "primary survival needs (the need for food)"; to end up with the grocer marks the triumph of a "thing-oriented world" over an "interpretation-oriented one."33 Yet the valuation of the latter world tends, surprisingly enough, to remain.34

The other main strand of criticism on the novella, then, also keeps the split, but reverses the valuation. For these readers, the heroine's mental world is a place of delusion.35 Hence, the material reality that continues to lie elsewhere now receives a positive valence, even to the extent of a wholesale reassessment of Mr. Mudge. Noting James's emphasis in his preface on "the girl's 'subjective' adventure," Ralf Norman asserts that the story validates "the supremacy of objective reality" over her fantasies, by showing at the end that, in her attempts to intervene in her clients' lives based on her reading of their telegrams, she has been "wrong about everything."36 And once the mental realm has been recast as one of fantasy—often characterized as sexual evasion—Mudge's very physicality becomes a source of manly appeal, particularly in its contrast with the impotent figure that the ironically named Everard, by story's end, has been revealed to offer.37 Nonetheless, it is telling that this rehabilitation of Mudge requires reading his physicality through not eating but sex—"flirtations" rather than the "cheese and pickles" and chocolate-creams with which he seems bent on aligning them. As Korsmeyer points out, sexual love may furnish the subject matter of the most serious art, but an equally lusty gustatory appetite tends to call forth only "the gross or the comic."38

Indeed, that a sexually refurbished Mudge need not trouble the essential divide between disembodied aesthetic taste and ignoble eating becomes clear when we note what happens to the notion of the telegraphist as artist figure in these less laudatory treatments of her imaginative pursuits. Rather than a creator of texts, she becomes akin to a consumer of them. The girl's entire "insatiable curiosity" concerning the romantic world of Bradeen and Everard can be traced, it is argued, to her lunchtime devouring of ha'penny-a-day library novels "all about fine folks" (C, 371).39 With remarkable consistency throughout the criticism, these books are described as if they themselves constituted [End Page 35] the actual midday meal. They stimulate her "emotional and sexual hungers": she is an "avid reader," with a "compulsive appetite" for "feed[ing] herself on cheap novels."40 In this conception, then, the telegraphist shares far less with James himself than she does with those mass readers he saw as viewing books as so many puddings, or at least their endings as forms of dessert.

This preference for texts not simply as edibles but, specifically, as sweets marks a familiar figure of the mass reader that is decidedly feminine, as is certainly the case of the "abysmally absorbent" public in James's "Future of the Novel."41 As Rita Felski argues, images of "nonintellectual and particularly female readers" as literally eating up popular fiction "reduc[es]" their reading "to a quasi-mechanical satisfaction of instinctual appetite"—that is, a form of mere animal gratification. Perhaps, then, the telegraphist is "in the cage" for a reason after all?42 A figure akin to those theatergoers who booed James's infamous flop Guy Domville, whom the author, in perhaps his most vituperative swipe at the mass audience, termed "a cage of beasts at some infernal 'zoo'"?43 We see "our young woman," after all, metaphorically pounce on Lady Bradeen in the word-changing scene: "It was as if she had bodily leaped—cleared the top of the cage and alighted upon her interlocutress" (C, 426). Lunching on novels, she appears quite akin to the "purely physical" Mudge; her library books and his little pocket planner are, we might note, identically described by James as "very greasy" (C, 371, 450).

Attempting to account for what might so disturb male writers about the model of the mass reader as eater, Felski suggests that it threatens the "professionalized status of the literary artifact" by refusing the text's "autonomy."44 Ultimately, however, she seeks to overcome the metaphor altogether, as does Janice Radway in her article "Reading Is Not Eating," a corollary to her work asserting the complex critical strategies of female romance readers. The implication for both is that to conceive reading as eating is necessarily to "reduce" it; it becomes, as in James's image of the novel as pudding, a form of thoughtless gobbling or "swallow[ing] whole" that lays bare the reader's enslavement to "sensual rather than cognitive interests."45

Clearly, then, eating's metaphorical capacities are viewed here as irredeemably constrained by the sense of the degrading animalism of actual eating that we've seen so persistently characterizes even contemporary writing on the subject.46 For Felski and Radway, the way to deny the (here gendered) taste hierarchy entails the banishment of eating even as metaphor. As we saw in Bourdieu, however, that [End Page 36] hierarchy may be made equally vulnerable to an opposing strategy, whereby eating is not banished but generalized. By, in effect, linking all reading to eating—bringing back the material base denied by high aesthetics—his approach breaks down class distinctions by expanding, rather than doing away with, the category of the eater governed by basic animal necessity.

Moreover, as I suggested earlier, this opposing view is not absent from James's novella, given its naturalistic dimension. After all, as many readers have acknowledged, one aspect of the story fails to dovetail with the view either of the heroine's transcendent imaginative inhabitation of the higher world, or of her pathetic yearning to do so by eating up that world's every word. That is the fact of her obvious resentment toward the upper classes, which is depicted sharply and which gives her portrait a fullness it would lack were her only stance toward them one of abject longing for recognition.

It is, first, in his portrayal of that resentment that James's language begins to break down the split between the world of the grocery and that of the rich who send the telegraphs. At first, it is one of the other employees who comments on the relative calm of the office during the lunch hour—or, as he "vulgarly" puts it, "while the animals were feeding" (C, 371). Yet this conception of the rich, too, as a pack of ravening beasts emerges within the girl's own lexicon as well. "'They're selfish brutes!'" she snaps at her friend Mrs. Jordan (C, 400); and, to Mudge, "'What I 'like' is just to loathe them. . . .They're simply packed together in those smart streets. Talk of the numbers of the poor! What I can vouch for is the numbers of the rich!'" (C, 408).47 This numerousness, which matches that of the words in the telegrams ("as numberless as the sands of the sea" [C, 367]), is clarified twice as creating a "human herd," a "shuffling herd" that passes before her daily (C, 373, 390). And while at times those who most fascinate her seem the only ones who stand apart from this "herd," even the "apparition" Lady Bradeen is eventually depicted through her relation to eating: only, given that she does come in to the office during lunchtime, her "meals were apparently irregular" (C, 371).

The second element in the story that seems to trouble the familiar split, in fact, is the truth finally uncovered about the lives of Everard and Bradeen themselves. Far from being truly those "in whom all the conditions for happiness actually met," they—and particularly he, her favorite—are revealed as living "caged," debt-ridden lives of their own (C, 377–78). In line with a more naturalistic view of the story, James begins to appear less and less to affirm a rhetorical split between those [End Page 37] leading an animalistic existence and those who waft above it, and more to recast the entire social world in bestial terms. The heroine, after all, fears being "pounced" upon for her indiscretions as much as she imagines pouncing herself on her upper-class prey (C, 483).

The animalization of the wealthy through depictions of their grotesque eating was a strategy frequently employed by more obviously progressive writers and artists during the same era. Hence, the familiar cartoon image of the self-satisfied, gorged plutocrat, or a herd of them at "a banquet party with bulging stomachs, aghast at the presence of a ragged intruder, with whom they would not think of dining."48 In naturalist fiction, Frank Norris's The Octopus buries the greedy merchant alive under a shower of grain, while Upton Sinclair's 1906 The Jungle, most famously, reveals the poor's role as literal food for the rich, by showing the workers falling, unnoticed, into the lard-vats. Capitalism itself is cast in that novel as pure "Greed," "a monster devouring with a thousand mouths."49 Thus do the purportedly bodiless appear not merely as eaters but as eaters of the most degraded sort: cannibals in Sinclair, parasites who feed without producing in Thorstein Veblen's Theory of the Leisure Class, vampires sucking workers' blood in Karl Marx's Capital.

Notably, all of these forms of grotesque upper-class eating have been detected in James as well: a 1902 review of Wings of the Dove, for example, combines all three. The "society" James depicts is said to engage in "a sort of organised cannibalism, in which every one is . . . preying on his or her neighbour, much as the micro-organisms in the drop of ditch-water"; the "arch-vampire" Kate Croy is finally foiled only by the "parasitic English peer" Lord Mark.50 Similarly, Susan Mizruchi remarks on James's interest in "human parasitism," and she and Bentley both note the "images of blood sacrifice" that mark the portrayal of characters like The Awkward Age's Nanda Brookenham.51 As Bentley has importantly shown, these visions of barbaric consumption and other atavistic rites among the elite were as crucial to the novel of manners in James's era as their familiar civilized opposites. She links this "ethnographic 'savaging' of the leisure class" to the challenge that the new and potentially relativist anthropological concept of "culture" (as evident in the work of E. B. Tylor) posed to the aesthetic sense of high "culture" as staving off anarchy (familiar from Matthew Arnold).52

Here, then, we see the Bourdieuian aim at collapsing these two conceptions—along with the split between aesthetic and everyday taste—actually realized, startlingly, in the work of one of the literary [End Page 38] canon's most refined specimens. Yet at the same time, we also begin to see what might be problematic about simply adhering to this strategy. The case of The Jungle, the political sympathies of which would seem even more in line with Bourdieu's, makes the potential difficulties especially evident. Sinclair, of course, famously stated that "'I aimed at the public's heart, and by accident I hit it in the stomach'"—referring to the legislative impact of scenes such as the drama of the lard-vats not on workers' rights but on higher standards of food safety.53 As several readers have commented, however, these remarks may be a bit disingenuous; in June Howard's words, while "Sinclair appeals to his readers to pity the miserable, thwarted lives of the other half . . . he also pays a great deal of attention to unclean meat and does not distinguish the two concerns so clearly as his lament would seem to suggest."54

More broadly, The Jungle has been described as manifesting "an aversion to the body and all of its fluids, smells, and processes," a "reject[ion of] man's animal nature" more than a revelation of its commonality; the one working-class woman shown simply enjoying her food, Madame Haupt, is, in Sinclair's words, an "enormously fat," greedy, "greasy" grotesque.55 The assertion that all of society in fact constitutes a Darwinian "jungle" thus may bring the rich rhetorically down, but does not fulfill the book's clear aim of elevating the poor, for it merely generalizes without altering the existing association between the shared bodily fact of eating and an animalistic rapacity.56 (Is it a surprise to learn that Sinclair went on to become a proselytizer in popular magazines for fasting?)57 Despite the collapse of the hierarchy separating aesthetic from gustatory taste, the problematic inability to move past this association thus remains.

III.

What if James, then, could be read as collapsing the hierarchy from the other direction—asserting not that what looks like refinement should be unmasked as animality but, rather, that the body should be granted an aesthetic life of its own? As we will see in a moment, such a possibility could elevate ordinary acts of eating, but, crucially, it would not have to do so by denying their root in desire, or even in necessity. Instead, it could remind us that human beings respond to necessity in idiosyncratic, and sometimes even creative, ways.

Put otherwise, might we not extend queer theory's excavations of the supposedly suppressed bodily element in James to encompass his [End Page 39] equally unexpected reimaginings of eating?58 After all, if Sinclair's aesthetic of disgust seems literalized in his move toward rejecting food entirely, James—as the briefest glance at his letters and Leon Edel's biography will remind us—was legendarily a bon vivant. A good meal could leave him with a "voluptuous glow."59 And his tastes were nothing if not down-to-earth: roast beef, potatoes, big breakfasts, ice cream. Indeed, Bennett's characterization aside, James is probably seen quaffing beer—generally English ale—more often than doing any other form of eating or drinking in the entire biography.60 While he routinely abominates British food and hymns the "glorious grub" of France (L, 4:444), he is equally passionate about the familiar fare back home, writing to his mother from Florence about his return: "Be sure about Sept. 4th to have on hand a goodly store of tomatoes, ice cream, corn, melon, cranberries and other indigenous victuals."61 The foods of childhood—or, more accurately, youth itself as a careless rapture of gorging—receive one of the lustiest depictions in literature in A Small Boy and Others' overflowing paean to America's fruits:

It was, surely, save perhaps for oranges, a more informally and familiarly fruit-eating time, and bushels of peaches in particular, peaches big and peaches small, peaches white and peaches yellow, played a part in life from which they have somehow been deposed; every garden, almost every bush and the very boys' pockets grew them; they were 'cut up' and eaten with cream at every meal; domestically 'brandied' they figured, the rest of the year, scarce less freely—if they were a 'party dish' it was because they made the party whenever they appeared, and when ice-cream was added, or they were added to it, they formed the highest revel we knew. Above all the public heaps of them, the high-piled receptacles at every turn, touched the street as with a sort of southern plenty; the note of the rejected and scattered fragments, the memory of the slippery skins and rinds and kernels. . . .We ate everything in those days by the bushel and the barrel, as from stores that were infinite; we handled watermelons as freely as cocoanuts, and the amount of stomach-ache involved was negligible in the general Eden-like consciousness.62

In contrast—and again, Bennett aside—a "nutritive" approach to life gets quite rejected, as in an 1874 letter that Edel notes retains "a touch of the nursery" in its frustration at the substitution of "vitamines" for plenty (it also explains James's willingness to leave Florence): "I have been jerked away from Rome . . . just as I was warming to the feast, and Florence . . . doesn't go so far as it might as a substitute. . . . It's like having a great plum-pudding set down on the table before you, [End Page 40] and then seeing it whisked away and finding yourself served with wholesome tapioca" (L, 1:426).63

Here, of course, we see a shift from describing actual food to the use of food as metaphor for something else. The two occur with equal frequency in James's letters, giving the lie to the assumption that conceiving of varied human activities as modes of eating necessarily vulgarizes them. In earlier missives, social experiences—places and people—appear as forms of food. James's "appetite [is] whetted" for a return to Italy; a trip into the Tyrol and Bavaria constitutes "a wonderful unexpected hors d'oeuvre" (L, 1:267; 3:298). Dining with Lowell in France, the food is "very savoureux," but the "company . . . more succulent still" (L, 1:308), while a less appealing milieu (again in Florence) is described as "a not very savoury human broth" (L, 3:165). By contrast, he writes to Arthur Benson, "With my voracity for personal introspections, I find in your existence a great deal to feed upon" (L, 4:58). This later quote, indeed, suggests that letters themselves might be conceived as tasty tidbits, an idea James begins to employ in the 1880s. One unanswered letter has, he assures, still been thoroughly "digested" (L, 3:198); another of his own, he fears, is being served up "cold, coagulated, and unappetizing," when it should (as he puts it in yet a third case) offer "a smoking porridge of news" (L, 3:234; 3:360). From here, then, but a small leap is needed to envision other textual forms equally as edibles. Thus appear, also beginning in the 1880s, the books of his friends and correspondents. His brother's Psychology "will be a tough morsel for me to chew, but I don't despair of nibbling it up slowly" (L, 3:204). For the latest from Robert Louis Stevenson, on the other hand, "I lick my chops in advance," and to H. G. Wells, writing in 1904, he offers what seems the sweetest of compliments: Wells's tales, read in bed, make the perfect dessert, each one "a substantial coloured sweet or bonbon . . . which I just allowed to melt lollipop-wise, upon my imaginative tongue. Some of the colours seemed to me perhaps prettier than the others, as some oranges are the larger and some the smaller, in any dozen. But I (excuse me!) sucked all the oranges" (L, 3:204; 4:304).64

Clearly, James revels not simply in food but in food language and metaphor. Yet it may still register at first as surprising, given all we've seen thus far, that he will go so far as to treat books as things to eat, and particularly as sweetmeats, for this had seemed precisely the error of the tasteless mass reader in his earlier essays. By the first decade of the twentieth century, however, this conception has shifted, keeping some of its prior features while shedding others.65 Hence, in [End Page 41] the preface to The Awkward Age, written for the New York Edition in 1908, the "'public for fiction'" is critiqued less for treating books as food than for wishing to bolt them as quickly as possible, "on the scale and with the smack of lips that mark the consumption of bread-and-jam by a children's school feast." Thus are "good solid slices of fiction . . . deplored by editor and publisher as positively not, for the general gullet as known to them, made adequately 'slick'" or "boneless" enough to be wolfed down.66 The image of the mass reader as thoughtless gobbler remains here, but this is no longer the natural result of envisioning books as food. What get rejected, after all, are "good solid slices of fiction," presumably including James's own. How then ought these books to be consumed, if it is now agreed that, in some fashion, "consumed," indeed eaten, is what they will be?

James's remarks above about Wells can offer some help here. We should note that James admits giving himself over to an indiscriminate, rather orgiastic "sucking" which he feels the need to excuse. At the same time, however, he describes a more discrete, gradual process in which each story is not a juicy piece of fruit, but a contained individual candy, "just allowed to melt, lollipop-wise, upon my imaginative tongue." This image of a deeply pleasurable but also slowed-down process of reading as eating, I want to argue, likely became increasingly available to James in the early 1900s because of its fit with what had begun to take place in his actual consumption of food.

Always attuned to his avoirdupois as a result of his capacious appetites, James became more deeply concerned about it around the turn of the century, at a time when more and more public attention was being paid to the possible ill effects of overeating on general health.67 In 1904, then—a mere month after writing to Wells—he discovered a curious new dietary regimen, via a book sent to him by his brother William: The New Glutton or Epicure, by the American reformer Horace Fletcher. William, it turned out, was already a convert to Fletcher's program, a fast-growing turn-of-the-century trend aimed at weight loss and improved digestion through prolonged mastication of one's food, an activity dubbed "Fletcherizing." The theory was that sufficiently worked-over edibles would stimulate an automatic swallowing mechanism, designed only to allow healthy, easily digested substances—the pure "essences of things"—into the stomach.68 Against all odds, this notion had spawned a massive fad; as Fletcher himself reported in New Glutton, "munching parties," where the host held a stopwatch while guests diligently chewed, were the latest fancy in London, and by the 1910s Fletcher's publishers believed his precepts to have been embraced by millions.69 [End Page 42]

James would be among them. "I don't know who H.F. is," he wrote to William, "but his treatise somehow speaks to me on the spot, and I have been breakfasting this morning wholly in the light of it."70 After requesting and receiving further Fletcher tomes by March 1904, he became not only a "convert" to the system but, in his own words, a "fanatic"—as well as a proselytizer. "Fletcherise hard," he commanded Mrs. Humphry Ward. "it's the greatest thing that ever was. Grapple it to your soul with hoops of steel" (L, 4:415-16). To Edith Wharton, he commented that a friend's health problems would surely be resolved were she only to "really and sacrificially commit herself to the divine Fletcher," who "has renewed the sources of my life" (L, 4:374).

Why did Fletcherizing "speak[. . .] to [James] on the spot"? Surely, if we recur to the letter to Wells, a parallel may be discerned with the deliberate, careful form of reading as eating that he describes—the words melting gradually on the tongue—as opposed to the mindless devouring of the mass reader, or eater, approaching food and text alike as something only to swallow. Since a major purpose of Fletcherizing—certainly for James—lay, however, in eating less as a result of chewing more, the even better comparison might be to the unfolding of artistic inspiration. The New York Edition prefaces are famous, after all, for their repeated invocation of the tiny "germ" out of which an entire novel grows. And to return us now to In the Cage, not only is this the form that the telegraphist's role as Jamesian artist clearly takes; moreover, it is a process described throughout the text in a way that finally begins to break down the body/mind split once and for all, for here the work of the imagination stands revealed, without degradation, as a form of tasting.

As we've seen, it has seemed easy enough for most criticism to assent to the apparent split implied in the first paragraph of James's story, between the telegraphist's mental world and Mr. Mudge's domain of hams and cheeses, tastes and smells, pungently assaulting her nose even as she strives to ignore them. As Bourdieu would have it, aesthetic taste, aiming to leave the body behind, appears to war here with sheer physicality. Yet the story turns out not to confirm this divide, and not merely by reducing all of its inhabitants, rich and poor, to ruthless feeders upon each other, combatants in the animal struggle of all against all. Rather, with striking consistency, the story depicts the heroine's own imaginative flights in complex and even aesthetic, yet unmistakably bodily terms.

This is true from the first telegrams we see commanding her interest, the initial set sent off by Lady Bradeen: "After the long stupors . . . [End Page 43] there almost always suddenly would come a sharp taste of something; it was in her mouth before she knew it; it was in her mouth now" (C, 377). Alternatively, this sort of moment appears as a smell: "a dropped fragrance, a mere quick breath, but which in fact pervaded and lingered. . . . The nose of this observer was brushed by the bouquet. . . . As the weeks went on she lived more and more in the world of whiffs and glimpses" (C, 378, 386). The holiday down times, then, when there is less to engage her, are described as offering "little to feed . . . her interest"; instead, "the only thing to give a taste to [such] dead weeks was the spice of a chronic resentment" (C, 428–29). Yet the alternative of asking for details from her friend, Mrs. Jordan, is rejected, for "that showed too starved a state" (C, 396).

As those readers sympathetic to the telegraphist's imaginings have commented, she seems most to resemble the "man of imagination" as James defines him in the sense that, for her, too, "the minimum of valid suggestion serve[s] . . . better than the maximum."71 As Tanner writes, "If James heard the start of an anecdote that stimulated his imagination he would ask his raconteur to discontinue, in case more facts inhibited his growing vision."72 The telegraphist, of course, deals only with the smallest word-fragments, tantalizing scraps of information appealing as much for what they withhold as for what they offer up, for this is what allows her imaginative faculties room to function. The imagery of sudden tastes and smells, then, comports with this sense of the elusive brevity of her material—as it did for James himself, particularly in prefaces to books he wrote around the same time. The "scant but quite ponderable germ" that grows into The Awkward Age is, he admits, no "fine purple peach" (his image, as we saw above, for the vast cornucopia of childhood), "but it might pass for" something smaller yet still worth tasting—perhaps "a round ripe plum."73 As for smells, in the prefatory remarks to What Maisie Knew (part of the In the Cage preface), we are treated to the remarkable notion of the "intellectual nostril," patient enough to sniff out the germ as "buried scent; the more the attention hovered the more it became aware of the fragrance" (C, vi).74

I'd like to suggest, then, that this shared activity of James and his heroine constitutes an alternative to reading-as-gobbling not dependent on simply leaving the body behind. Rather, the speculative facility that enables writing here resembles, specifically, Fletcherist eating. Although none of James's food language is mentioned, the Fletcherist element can be read directly out of an account of the heroine's activity such as that given by Jennifer Gribble, where we are treated to, as it [End Page 44] were, an entire tour of what happens inside the imagination-as-mouth. She "seizes on details" ("with something of her creator's . . . seizing on germs for his stories"), "saturates details with significance"; "[f]rom within the cage of the isolated imagination, she . . . catch[es], from its fragments . . . the essence of the whole social network."75

We saw that, for most of the story's interpreters, the telegraphist could be understood as an artist or a consumer, a practitioner of disembodied aesthetic taste or a literal taster, but not both at once. Within the history of aesthetics, the reasoning has been that while a sense like sight takes us outside of ourselves to an objective truth, taste returns us to our own subjective desires. As one of the premier aesthetic theorists of James's own era, George Santayana, wrote in 1896, the "lower" senses receive their designation from the fact that they "call our attention to some part of our own body" rather than something beyond it.76 Hence, they seem to "provid[e] information only about the perceiver"—her particular taste—not the thing perceived.77 In this sense, to link the telegraphist's imaginative flights to forms of eating would seem to confirm the claims of those readers for whom her faculties of perception are irredeemably clouded, unable to access "objective reality," precisely due to their assumed "interestedness": specifically, her "coarse and materialistic" belief that "Everard loves and needs her."78

Santayana, however, may aid us in pressuring this conception, for he in fact goes on to take issue with those writers, such as Arthur Schopenhauer, for whom a firm line may be drawn separating "disinterested" aesthetic pleasure from the desire "to possess."79 One may enjoy something aesthetically without seeking to possess it, he agrees—"the appreciation of a painting is not identical with the desire to buy it"; and yet, as he goes on to argue, "it is, or ought to be, closely related and preliminary to that desire."80 This seems to offer a much better way of understanding the telegraphist's practice of tasting, as a model for her relation to a figure like Everard. For despite the above readings, her demeanor toward Everard is marked much less by a clear will to possession than by a certain skittishness at crucial moments—in particular, one that takes the form of a possible proposal to dine together for real. "'I was going to my supper,'" she explains, upon intercepting him outside his quarters. "'Then you haven't eaten—?'" he promptly exclaims. The point of this exchange, and what flows from it, however, seems much more encapsulated in her mental response: as James puts it, "She had known he wouldn't say, 'Then sup with me!' but the proof of it made her feel as if she had feasted" (C, 436). [End Page 45]

At the moment she might most realize her purported fantasies about Everard, then, the heroine makes clear that she would much rather "feast" on the impossibility of doing so. Such an attitude is hardly surprising given her acute desire not to be taken by him for the wrong sort of girl. It makes clear, however, her reliance much less on the reader-as-eater's excited devouring than on a careful (and distinctly Fletcherist) concern not to bite off more than she can chew. Tasting rather than gulping, she remains more in Santayana's "preliminary" stage, that of intrigued contemplation, which may, but need not, lead to the attempt at possession (what is tasted, after all, can always be spit out in the end). In this regard, she might instructively be compared to her friend, also a "victim of reverses," the florist Mrs. Jordan (C, 372).81

One of the story's odder repeated details, after all, if one has not caught onto its sustained vocabulary of eating, concerns Mrs. Jordan's "extraordinarily protrusive teeth," which are said to make her smile look like a "large benevolent bite," as in their final scene together: "she took one of her big bites of the brown gloom" (C, 394, 491, 506). Yet these great chomps turn out to map directly onto Mrs. Jordan's crucial difference, as laid out in this last moment, from her young companion. Throughout the story, Mrs. Jordan has been certain that her job of "[doing] the dinner-tables" of the rich leaves her one step away from an entrée into high society, and at end she appears surer still, announcing her engagement to a Mr. Drake, "[g]reat and trusted friend" of "Lord Rye" (C, 491). As the heroine gradually realizes in amusement, "Mr. Drake . . . verily was a person who opened the door": that is, he is Lord Rye's butler (C, 496). And with this recognition, her understanding of the gap separating her from her grasping friend—whose very un-Fletcherist giant bites speak to her hopeless swipes at social power—is laid bare. Determining at last to leave her job and join her own soon-to-be-husband, Mr. Mudge, the girl idly thinks, in the story's final words, that "it was strange such a matter should be at last settled for her by Mr. Drake" (C, 507).

IV.

One could imagine, of course, a potential danger for us in simply leaving matters there. The heroine assents to what appears a life of limitation. Particularly given the contrast with Mrs. Jordan's somehow vulgar hungers, is this not only another case of Jamesian renunciation, but a particularly unsettling one, given that the telegraphist is one of [End Page 46] his only non-aristocratic British protagonists? What does it mean to extend a Fletcherist sensibility—less is more—to such a figure? The actual Fletcherizer, after all, chooses to eat less; the telegraphist, it would seem, has no choice but to do so. Those who jeered at Fletcher in the popular press noted the irony that the fad reversed the usual current of social striving, making rich people suddenly want to eat like poor ones: one could now "dine sumptuously on a menu card and a wafer biscuit."82 Fletcher was termed "the apostle of polite starvation."83 Supporters of the diet often merely gave these same notions a positive spin: Dr. Russell Chittenden of Yale, for example, saw as Fletcherism's best feature that it "tends to diminish the craving for food and thus results in the appetite being satisfied by a small amount."84

Here the Fletcherist threatens to become simply another version of Bourdieu's bourgeois ascetic, the modern eater as sublimator. The bodily urgency of appetite is once more conquered in favor of a tasteful restraint, and literal tasting thus approaches the disinterestedness of the aesthetic sort. The working girl who emulates such a model might indeed become acceptable as a version of the artist, yet only, it would seem, by either learning to forfeit her own enjoyment, or deluding herself into believing she can be satisfied with less. Yet while such disturbing possibilities need to be taken seriously, I want finally to argue that neither of them can quite account for our heroine's conclusion. Rather, at its most far-reaching, her portrayal changes the very terms whereby we figure artistic production as the transcendence of bodily need.

Let me begin, then, by addressing the first characterization, of a forfeiture of enjoyment, for this charge can indeed be fairly applied to much of the diet discourse proliferating around 1900, an era in which an unprecedented number of writers saw foodways as the key to a broader project of Progressive reform. As the Wesleyan University chemist Wilbur O. Atwater, "nutrition guru" of the 1890s, put it, "In our actual practice of eating we are apt to be influenced too much by taste, that is, by the dictates of the palate."85 Fletcherism, then, might seem the most extreme version of depriving people of all pleasure in eating (what Bourdieu called a "pleasure purified of pleasure"); note James's ascetic language in discussing his diet, with its allusions to conversion and sacrifice.86 Certainly, this loss of enjoyment forms the emphasis in most historians' treatments of Fletcher's project. In one typical historical account, the fad's demise thus showed American sensibly refusing to go on "subordinating taste . . . to concerns over health."87 As the image of the party run by stopwatch suggests, the [End Page 47] hygienic body Fletcher envisioned resembled in many ways a Taylorized factory, eschewing waste (a concept about which Fletcher entertained some truly peculiar notions).88

At the same time, however, protracted chewing hardly seems conducive to efficiency in the literal sense; imagine, if you will, a Fletcherist lunch break!89 Or simply consider the reaction of the In the Cage heroine's fellow telegraphist to the revelation of her mental "chewings-over" in the climactic scene with Everard: a peremptory "'And what game is that, miss?'" (C, 375). In James's New York Edition preface to the story, it is even clearer that he sees the telegraphist's imaginings in precisely these terms, as play rather than work (an exercise of "that idle faculty" [C, xix]). Specifically, the imagination wastes: it is driven to "reckless expenditure," "insatiable, extravagant, and immoral" in its endless "speculati[ons]" (C, xx). If we are to understand the imagination as Fletcherist, I would therefore submit, it seems necessary to recognize that Fletcher's extension of the act of eating involved a kind of pleasurable, even perverse dilating as much as any paring down or resisting of desire.

To suggest, as is usually done, that Fletcher "subordinated taste" to a healthy monotony or a streamlined digestion has it exactly wrong: taste was one of his most abiding concerns, and never elaborated with greater care than in the book James fell for, The New Glutton or Epicure. There, Fletcher attacked head-on the idea of taste as the lowest sense, arguing that his program of slowed-down eating allowed one to appreciate its true complexity. Far from rendering food as tasteless as possible, Fletcherizing allowed for a perception and enjoyment of subtle nuances of taste simply unavailable if food was tossed down too quickly.90 In particular, Fletcher was insistent that chewing not be taken to such an extreme of "painful tediousness" that it would become a form of "work," removing the "pleasure," the "psychic enjoyment of eating."91

This pleasure, moreover, was not standardizable. While Fletcher did dictate eating's style, he did not, importantly, dictate its content—another important difference between his program and those of those of the period's other reformers, who often lamented the pleasure-seeking (rather than cost-effective) diets of the working class. To be an epicure (a concept quite foreign to those writers) had nothing to do with having a carefully educated, refined palate, of the sort that might prefer Souchong tea. Rather, Fletcher's epicure was the man or woman who ate with lingering enjoyment exactly what he or she felt like eating. "In the perfect feeding of the human body," he told [End Page 48] an interviewer in 1905, "there are no don't's."92 Rather, he wrote, "Nature has a separate message for each intelligence"; one need only "accept her guidance" when, in the form of appetite, it comes. "If she calls for pie," he insisted, "eat pie. If she calls for it at midnight eat it then, but eat it right."93

Amid the reform discourse of the period, these claims stand out, and not simply because of their refusal to assume the usual role of the nutritionist who knows what is good for you better than you do yourself. That role requires a split between the objective facts of the body and the waywardness of individual preferences that Fletcher directly refuses. Instead, quite remarkably, by claiming that "[n]ature has a separate message for each intelligence," he makes the body itself the very site of idiosyncrasy, not of a leveling animal sameness. The result is an eating subject we might characterize as both more and less embodied than the food studies compromise of the diner whose true appetite is for sociability. Where that figure transcends the body to attain a collective identity, the Fletcherist attains an individuality by listening to her body's particular desires.

As Peter Melville points out, this same paradox has long been embodied in the figure of the solitary eater, who seems almost a masturbator of sorts, given over wholly to his own enjoyment.94 Without the presence of companionship, Simmel wrote in 1910, it becomes impossible to "disguise any longer the repulsiveness, yes, the nastiness of the physical process of eating."95 Yet Fletcherism did notoriously encourage solitary dining, in part because for those dining with the chewers, in one observer's view, "'The best that can be expected from them is the tense and awful silence that always accompanies their excruciating tortures of mastication.'"96 James delighted in the opportunity, however, as he wrote to Mrs. Humphry Ward about his diet in 1906: "I munch unsociably and in passionate silence . . . it is making me both unsociable and inhospitable (without at the same time making me in the least ashamed of so being. I brazenly glory in it)" (L, 4:416). In fact, despite his feats of dining out and love of good conversation, James seems to have taken great solace in the occasional dinner alone from early in his career—at one point adopting William Makepeace Thackeray's rather suggestive phrase, "mumbl[ing] one's bone," to do so. "I confess it most sweet," he exclaimed, after a series of dinners out, "to mumble one's bone . . . in solitude, without the need of swallowing inscrutable entrées and tugging at the relaxed bell-rope of one's brain for a feeble tinkle of conversation" (L, 3:233). [End Page 49]

To return to In the Cage, could there be a better image for what Gribble calls the telegraphist's propensity for "self-delighting"?97 Stuart Hutchinson refers to her imaginings as an "onanistic" tendency, such that the question then becomes what that tendency's fate will be once she has settled down with Mr. Mudge.98 He seems to offer her precious little of what she most enjoys feeding upon: for the New York Edition, James changed the phrase "she often asked herself what it was marriage would be able to add to a familiarity so final" to "a familiarity that seemed already to have scraped the platter so clean" (C, 369). At the same time, hints are dropped to the effect that, on the one hand, the heroine will not simply leave her solitary space behind when she moves to Chalk Farm. Pondering her imminent marriage early in the story, for example, she thinks that so long as she keeps some of her "silly" reasons for postponing it to herself, it will "g[i]ve her the margin which at the best she would always require" (C, 406).

Also importantly, on the other hand, as several readers have noted, Mudge himself is not simply devoid of an appeal for her, which, James shows, stems directly from the very physicality that for some renders him so clearly below her.99 The point, then, seems less that he has nothing to offer her, and more that, in many ways, the marriage will not differ very drastically from her situation in the telegraph-office, in which she survives on the scraps that come her way, but also insists, to the extent she can, on appropriating those she finds most appealing.

In this sense, one can conceive no better image of their marriage than the scene with which I began, in which they consume the chocolate-creams together. "'Have another?—that one,'" says Mr. Mudge to his fiancée. "She had another," James writes, "but not the one he indicated, and then he continued: 'What took place afterwards?'" (C, 457). Here Mudge feeds her, but she does retain her "margin," and the important thing to note is that he does not blink in the face of it, but allows her, without comment, to take what she understands herself to need.

In sum, then, while the telegraphist's small bites cannot be said to result from her own choice alone, but in many ways indicate a painful necessity, they do not merely suggest a case of learning to forgo enjoyment. Quite otherwise: this very necessity of surviving on scraps is what gives significance to her implicit assertion that doing so need not rule out the possibility of a pleasurable excess. Does this mean, however, that she has learned to satisfy herself with less? I would say not. Satisfaction, as a feeling of repletion, a cessation of desire, seems deeply at odds with her particular combination of pleasure and deprivation. [End Page 50]

V.

This combination is, finally, what the Fletcherist model can most usefully bring forward: an attitude that might be encapsulated by the word "savoring." Savoring suggests a dual relation to food, one in which necessity and extravagance, animal need and human desire, are literally rendered inseparable from one another. The savorer excessively, even perversely insists on wringing all possible pleasure from the meagerest morsel, precisely as a result of the evident recognition that more may not follow.100 One thus occupies not the satisfied person's state of having but a perennial position of uncertainty with respect to the future.101 In this situation, a certain form of outsized enjoyment peculiarly seems to draw on necessity for its activation. The result, however, is that pleasure itself may not always be separable from what appears as its opposite.

Isn't this, then, the usual response to the late style that James's late-1890s, pre-Major Phase works began to inaugurate? So much is made of so little—a tendency culminating in the last of these writings, The Sacred Fount, the obsessively narrowed focus of which Rebecca West famously compared to "a rat nibbling at a wainscot."102 Others expressed this aspect of James's writing in even more directly Fletcherist terms: as Clover Adams once opined, the Master "chewed more than he bit off."103

As nibbling rat, however, James may come closest to emulating his telegraphist's mode. Consider the possibility of imagining her as a version of the "parasite" theorized by Michel Serres: the rat who chews over the leftover scraps of the non-producing rich. To parasite, Serres explains, in fact means literally "to eat next to"; in French, intriguingly, the same word also refers to static, "a corruption, a rupture of information": what keeps "a message . . . from being heard, and sometimes, from being sent."104 Both definitions clearly suit the experience of "our young woman," but it is important that, in Serres's generalization of the idea, there is nothing necessarily ignoble in parasitism, which in many ways may be said to define the social itself: a "system [that] includes the telephone, the telegraph, television . . . the circulation of messages and of raw materials, of language and foodstuffs"—precisely the material life of texts that we've seen define the telegraph-office in James.105

And who is James himself, then? In Serres's account, it is the philosopher, but we might say here also the novelist, who slips in last, behind the rats, and "parasites the parasites."106 He chews on the very situation of the telegraph-office, which seems so full of untasted [End Page 51] human incident, and even "admonishe[s]" his heroine's real-life counterparts, in his preface, for their indifference to the groaning-board of possibilities before them (C, xxi). And yet in the story itself, it is hard not to notice that the emphasis lies, rather, on the actual paucity of potential intrigue for the heroine to seize upon: "in the shuffling herd that passed before her the greater part only passed" (C, 390), and it is this barrenness, surely, that most accounts for her outsized savoring of what does catch her fancy.

Jean-Christophe Agnew has taught us to read the late James as a voracious devourer of a dazzling array of human "consumables," yet, as Edel points out, In the Cage actually coincides with his move away from the hub of social excitement in London to the relative backwater of Rye. Like his heroine, Edel suggests, "James in Rye now felt shut out from the great world."107 Edel does not mention that the story itself features as the very emblem of that "great world" itself a "Lord Rye," whose crumbs the unfortunate Mrs. Jordan hopes will feed her in her own quest for social privilege. With such a naming, James seems to distance himself from the view Edel offers, suggesting, in effect, that it is he, Lord of Rye, around whom the real social scene gathers.

Yet the opposed possibility, that he is but another parasite seeking crumbs from the table—and indeed, that the novelist must always be a sort of parasite—haunts In the Cage. From James's own preface forward, the question has always been whether the telegraphist can make sense to us as a version of the artist. In the terms put forward here, we can see instead her refiguration of that very positioning; she does not fit a preexisting model so much as she changes our view of the artist as a transcendent figure. She helps us to see in the late James not only the modernist as Master but the proto-avant-gardist who, in Jean-François Lyotard's terms, "seeks sublimity in the here-and-now" precisely because of "the possibility of nothing happening, of words, colours, forms or sounds not coming; of this sentence being the last, of bread not coming daily."108 Seen in these terms, James by century's end would no longer, in style most of all, conceive pleasure as the alternative to privation, but mark the attempt to transform the latter into the former—an achievement whose determinations, that refusal to let go of a single morsel, will always risk the awful exposure of necessity in the very hyperbolization of the hope to overcome its hold. [End Page 52]

Jennifer L. Fleissner
Indiana University, Bloomington

Notes

1. Henry James, In the Cage, in vol. 11, The New York Edition of Henry James (New York: Scribner's, 1908), 405, 404, 410, 457. Hereafter abbreviated C and cited parenthetically by page number.

2. Seymour Chatman, The Later Style of Henry James (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1972), 30.

3. Although, clearly, other instances of eating might be cited—particularly from other late works such as The Golden Bowl and What Maisie Knew—very little criticism has considered the role of eating in James's texts, suggesting the enduring effect of a formulation such as Chatman's. One notable exception is Jan van Rosevelt's brief "Dining With The Ambassadors," Henry James Review 15 (1994): 301–8.

4. Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1984), 7.

5. James's preface to the New York Edition version of the story seems to confirm this opposition, as he describes the "luxury" in his heroine's life as "that of the number of [her] moral vibrations, well-nigh unrestricted—not that of an account at the grocer's" (In the Cage, xx).

6. Tony Tanner, The Reign of Wonder: Naivety and Reality in American Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1965), 318.

7. See Alan Beardsworth and Teresa Keil, Sociology on the Menu: An Invitation to the Study of Food and Society (London: Routledge, 1997); Sherrie A. Inness, Kitchen Culture in America: Popular Representations of Food, Gender, and Race (Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 2001); and Carole Counihan and Penny van Esterik, ed. Food and Culture: A Reader (New York: Routledge, 1997). Further examples, among many others, include: Timothy Morton, ed., Cultures of Taste/Theories of Appetite: Eating Romanticism (New York: Palgrave, 2004); Tamar Heller and Patricia Moran, ed. Scenes of the Apple: Food and the Female Body in Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century Women's Writing (Albany: State Univ. of New York Press, 2003); Michel de Certeau, Luce Girard, and Pierre Matol, The Practice of Everyday Life, Vol. 2: Living and Cooking, trans. T. J. Tomasik (Minneapolis: Univ. of Minnesota Press, 1998); Jacques Derrida, "'Eating Well,' or the Calculation of the Subject," in Who Comes After the Subject? ed. Eduardo Cadava and others (New York: Routledge, 1991), 96–119; Hasia R. Diner, Hungering for America: Italian, Irish, and Jewish Foodways in the Age of Migration (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 2001); Sidney Mintz, Tasting Food, Tasting Freedom: Excursions into Eating, Culture, and the Past (Boston: Beacon, 1996); and Roy C. Wood, The Sociology of the Meal (Edinburgh: Edinburgh Univ. Press, 1995).

8. The anthropological interest in food dates back as far as the discipline's inception in the late nineteenth century, to works such as Henri Hubert and Marcel Mauss's Sacrifice and Robertson Smith's Lectures on the Religion of the Semites. See Hubert and Mauss, Sacrifice: Its Nature and Functions, trans. W. D. Halls (1898; repr., Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1964); W. Robertson Smith, Lectures on the Religion of the Semites (1889; repr., New York: Ktav, 1969). Philosophical attention to the subject is a quite recent development; see Leon R. Kass, The Hungry Soul: Eating and the Perfecting of Our Nature (New York: The Free Press, 1994); Carolyn Korsmeyer, Making Sense of Taste: Philosophy and Food (Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 1999); Elizabeth Telfer, Food for Thought: Philosophy and Food (London: Routledge, 1996); and Deane W. Curtin and Lisa M. Heldke, Cooking, Eating, Thinking: Transformative Philosophies of Food (Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1992).

9. Plato, Collected Dialogues, ed. Edith Hamilton and Huntington Cairns (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1963), quoted in Korsmeyer, 14; Korsmeyer, 5, 48.

10. David E. Sutton, Remembrance of Repasts: An Anthropology of Food and Memory (Oxford: Berg, 2001), 4. See also Kass: "[W]e will consider the specifically human features of eating, which distinguish it from mere feeding" (25); Korsmeyer, 1; Mintz, 5; and Telfer, 35.

11. Georg Simmel, "The Sociology of the Meal" (1910), in Food and Foodways 5 (1994): 347. See John Kasson, "Table Manners and the Control of Appetites," in his, Rudeness and Civility: Manners in Nineteenth-Century Urban America (New York: Hill and Wang, 1990), 182–214; and Susan Williams, Savory Suppers and Fashionable Feasts: Dining in Victorian America (New York: Pantheon, 1985). As an 1880 Lippincott's article argued, "The mingling of conversation with the merely animal act of feeding" characterized "civilized communities," where "the table becomes not simply the place of supplying the body with nourishment, but also for cultivating the mind and heart" (Charles W. Dulles, M.D., "Eating," Lippincott's 25 (1880): 506).

12. Garrick Mallery, "Manners and Meals," The American Anthropologist 1 (July 1888): 195. This quote paraphrases Jean Anthelme Brillat-Savarin. Nineteenth-century cookbooks, such as the many editions of Mrs. Beeton's, as Margaret Beetham has argued, were filled with this kind of civilizing discourse. See Beetham, "Good Taste: Reading the Many Versions of Mrs. Beeton," paper presented at the conference Cooking Culture: Food and Consumption in the Nineteenth Century, Institute of English Studies, London, 2004.

13. See Norbert Elias, The Civilizing Process, vol. I: The History of Manners, trans. Edmund Jephcott (1939; repr., Oxford: Blackwell, 1994). See also Margaret Visser's The Rituals of Dinner: The Origins, Evolution, Eccentricities, and Meaning of Table Manners (New York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1991): "We should note the constant likening of rude people to animals, and remember that a universal purpose of good behaviour is to demonstrate how unlike beasts we mannerly people are" (63).

14. Bourdieu, 194.

15. Bourdieu, 104, 196, 199.

16. Denise Gigante, in her elegant Taste: A Literary History (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 2005), makes this same connection between the culture of aesthetic taste and the conception of civilized dining as "an occasion for social community that transcended physical gratification" (9). As she notes, Kant wrote about the latter as well, in his Anthropology from a Pragmatic Point of View. See also Kasson's discussion of the late-nineteenth-century rise of the dinner party in the United States.: "In casting the meal as an aesthetic and ethical drama, governed by harmony, restraint, and propriety, in which diners never helped themselves or voiced their desires but only declined what they did not want, hosts and guests showed their easeful superiority to bodily necessities. They denied the 'low,' elemental need for food that they shared with all humanity and animals and transmuted eating into high art" (207).

17. Bourdieu, 486, 7.

18. Bourdieu, 1.

19. See Nancy Bentley, The Ethnography of Manners: Hawthorne, James, Wharton (New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1995).

20. W. D. Howells, The Rise of Silas Lapham (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1996), 39.

21. Jonathan Freedman, Professions of Taste: Henry James, British Aestheticism, and Commodity Culture (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1990), xvii. In addition, see [End Page 54] Fredric Jameson's The Political Unconscious: Narrative as a Socially Symbolic Act (Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 1981); and the discussion of James's relation to the mass reader in Mark McGurl's The Novel Art: Elevations of American Fiction After Henry James (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 2001).

22. Arnold Bennett, "A Candid Opinions on Henry James," Evening Standard, 27 January 1927, quoted in Tim Armstrong, Modernism, Technology, and the Body: A Cultural Study (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1998), 256.

23. James, "The Future of the Novel," in The Art of Criticism: Henry James on the Theory and Practice of Fiction, ed. William Veeder and Susan M. Griffin (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1986), 243; James, "The Art of Fiction," in The Art of Criticism, 165.

24. James, "The Art of Fiction," 169.

25. See James, Selected Letters of Henry James to Edmund Gosse, 1882–1915: A Literary Friendship, ed. Rayburn S. Moore (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Univ. Press, 1988), 128.

26. Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, particularly in "Is the Rectum Straight?" (Tendencies [Durham: Duke Univ. Press], 73–103), is once again the pioneer here. A clear-cut case where an extension of her arguments turns an ascetic reading into a pleasure-oriented one is Michael Trask, "Getting Into It With James: Substitution and Erotic Reversal in The Awkward Age," American Literature 69.1 (1997): 105–38. I should note here that there have recently been some quite strong queer treatments of In the Cage by Savoy and Stevens, both of whom make persuasive cases that the story should be read in relation to the then-current Cleveland Street scandals, in which telegraph-boys testified against aristocratic clients who had paid them for the privilege of sexual favors. See Eric Savoy, "'In the Cage' and the Queer Effects of Gay History," Novel 28 (1995): 284–307; and Hugh Stevens, "Queer Henry 'In the Cage,'" in The Cambridge Companion to Henry James, ed. Freedman (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1998), 120–38. Yet while this reading accounts well for Everard's reaction to the girl's "knowledge" in the story, and for its oft-noted reticence about what the Lord had actually done that leads to his being "nailed" by Bradeen, it is one of the least able to speak to the meaning of the heroine's inner life, which if the preface is any indication was clearly a central preoccupation of James himself (In the Cage, 441, 506). This lack of interest in the girl's own erotics, even amid a queer male milieu, is actually atypical of most queer work on James, such as Sedgwick's and Trask's (particularly, of course, Sedgwick's groundbreaking treatment of May Bartram in "The Beast in the Jungle" in "The Beast in the Closet: James and the Writing of Homosexual Panic," in her The Epistemology of the Closet [Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1990]: 182–212).

27. Nicola Nixon, "The Reading Gaol of Henry James's In the Cage," ELH 66 (1999): 185. James's relation to naturalism and to Zola in particular has long been thought a complicated one. In an early review of Nana, James wrote that Zola's writing "gives us all the bad taste of a disagreeable dish and none of the nourishment'" (James, quoted in Leon Edel, Henry James, 5 vols. (Philidelphia: Lippincott, 1953), 2:397). Yet as Lyall Powers notes, already by 1877 "[James] can recommend Zola's latest novel to Howells—if his stomach can stand it" (Henry James and the Naturalist Movement [East Lansing: Michigan State Univ. Press, 1971], 37). Powers narrates James's increasing interest in naturalism throughout the 1880s, culminating in two of his own novels often thought to be naturalist experiments: The Bostonians and The Princess Casamassima. Curiously, although it shares with these works a rare focus on a lower-class protagonist along with a considerable amount of vividly material description, In the Cage has usually not been discussed in these terms; Nixon's essay forms a notable exception. [End Page 55]

28. Bourdieu, 178.

29. Simmel, 350.

30. William Graham Sumner, quoted in Paul Boller, Jr., American Thought in Transition: The Impact of Evolutionary Naturalism (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1969), 57.

31. Examples of this approach include Marvin Harris's anthology Food and Evolution (Philadelphia: Temple Univ. Press, 1987); and Stephen Mennell's All Manners of Food: Eating and Taste in England and France from the Middle Ages to the Present (Oxford: Blackwell, 1985). The split within the field is usefully laid out by Wood in his Sociology of the Meal.

32. See L. C. Knights, Explorations: Essays in Criticism (London: Chatto and Windus, 1946). Further examples of this perspective include Tanner; Morton Zabel, introduction to Eight Tales from the Major Phase, by James (New York: Norton, 1969), 1–28; and Edel, who in the biography explicitly treats the telegraphist as a double for James.

33. Dale Bauer and Andrew Lakritz, "Language, Class, and Sexuality in Henry James's 'In the Cage,'" New Orleans Review 14.3 (1987): 61, 69.

34. See, for example, Bauer and Lakritz: "She cannot interpret her way out of her social position" (69); Jennifer Wicke, "Henry James's Second Wave," Henry James Review 10 (1989): the telegraphist "projected that desire of freedom from quantification onto a social surface where otherwise such freedom was unobtainable" (150); and Andrew J. Moody, "'The Harmless Pleasure of Knowing': Privacy in the Telegraph Office and Henry James's 'In the Cage,'" Henry James Review 16 (1995): "the telegraphist is effectively kept in the cage as a nameless part of the great postal mechanism" (65).

35. See E. Duncan Aswell, "James's In the Cage: The Telegraphist As Artist," Texas Studies in Literature and Language 8 (1966): 375–84; Ralf Norman, "The Intercepted Telegram Plot in Henry James's 'In the Cage,'" Notes and Queries 222 (1977): 425–27; and, in a very different register, Nixon (for whom the telegraphist's deludedness is less a function of any personal shortcomings than of her indoctrination into the false promises of romantic fiction, which she has learned to reject by the story's end).

36. Norman, 425. At this moment, Everard rushes to the telegraph-office to attempt to find out what was written in a telegraph sent by Bradeen that has been "intercepted" and "'[fallen] into the wrong hand." The situation may be salvaged, he explains, by the possibility that a key line in the telegraph may actually have been wrong: as he puts it, "'It's all right if it's wrong'" (In the Cage, 482). And when the girl, stunning her boss, recites the telegram back to him from memory, this turns out indeed to be the case: it is (or was) wrong, and therefore, "It's all right." As Norman persuasively argues, however, the entire problem—both the telegram's interception, and its incorrect message—seems to stem from the misguided intervention, at the time it was first sent, of the girl herself, as she responds to Bradeen's request that a word be changed by proposing the change herself (in the address, not the substance), based on her mental retention of prior telegrams sent between them. Bradeen is apparently so shocked by this suggestion that she hastily assents to the girl and hurries off in distressed confusion. A view like Norman's of the telegraph-operator does seem to fit James's assertion in his preface that both the story's "catastrophe" and its "solution" "depen[d] on her winged wit" (In the Cage, xxi). In such readings stressing the heroine's deludedness, however, the emphasis tends to lie less on any wit she may possess than on the salutary reality check provided by her final departure from the office into the waiting arms of Mudge.

37. The intercepted telegram seems to lead to a series of events that, recounted to our heroine by her friend Mrs. Jordan, recast Everard as chained by a series of debts, [End Page 56] not least to Bradeen herself, who upon her husband's death appears able to force her former lover into marriage based on something resembling blackmail. Stuart Hutchinson's is the most forceful argument to the effect that, just as Everard "needs to be 'nailed,'" so will the telegraphist "benefit from being intermittently awed and put in her place by Mudge's masculinity" ("James's In the Cage: A New Interpretation," Studies in Short Fiction 19.1 [1992]: 24). Carren Kaston (Imagination and Desire in the Novels of Henry James [New Brunswick: Rutgers Univ. Press, 1984]), without going at all so far, also reads the story as a positive trajectory from sexual avoidance to marital consummation. In contrast, Janet Gabler-Hover argues that "James endorses her sexual restraint" ("The Ethics of Determinism in Henry James's 'In the Cage,'" Henry James Review 13 [1992]: 262).

38. Korsmeyer, 177.

39. Edel, Henry James, 4:248.

40. Jennifer Gribble, "Cages," Critical Review 24 (1982): 112; Kaston, 109; Tanner, 314.

41. James, "Future of the Novel," 242–43. See also Steven Mailloux, who cites an 1884 article in which a journal editor "figuratively shakes his head in despair over the poor, hopeless women readers 'who feed their brains with novels and their palates with confectionary'" ("The Rhetorical Use and Abuse of Fiction: Eating Books in Late Nineteenth-Century America," in Revisionary Interventions into the Americanist Canon, ed. Donald E. Pease [Durham: Duke Univ. Press, 1994], 157).

42. Rita Felski, The Gender of Modernity (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1995), 81. As Randy Malamud suggests in an overview of literary representations of cages, "The cage essentially and wholly defines, subordinates, whatever is inside. . . . Caged creatures are always imbued with a sense of otherness. . . . In 'A Hunger Artist,' Kafka shows how a man in a cage becomes increasingly like a zoo animal" (Reading Zoos [New York: New York Univ. Press, 1998], 120, 125).

43. James, in Letters, ed. Edel, 4 vols. (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1980), 3:508. Hereafter abbreviated L and cited parenthetically by volume and page number.

44. Felski, 86.

45. Janice Radway, "Reading Is Not Eating: Mass-Produced Literature and the Theoretical, Methodological, and Political Consequences of a Metaphor," Book Research Quarterly 2.3 (1986): 10; Felski, 84.

46. Indeed, as Korsmeyer has shown, this same problem consistently bedevils even the metaphorical discourse of aesthetic taste. While that discourse is obviously predicated on negating the governance by "sensual rather than cognitive interests" thought to characterize actual tasting, the curious retention of the term "taste"—a term used in this double sense in many languages—ensures that theories of aesthetics remain haunted by the very concerns about subjectivism ("There's no accounting for taste") that they mean to overcome.

47. Most strongly, perhaps: "What twisted the knife in her vitals was the way the profligate rich scattered about them, in extravagant chatter over their extravagant pleasures and sins, an amount of money that would have held the pinched household of her frightened childhood, her poor pinched mother and tormented father and lost brother and starved sister, together for a lifetime" (In the Cage, 386–87).

48. Kasson, 195.

49. Upton Sinclair, The Jungle, ed. Clare Virginia Eby (New York: Norton, 2003), 300. [End Page 57]

50. [no title], The Spectator, 4 October 1902, 498–99, in James W. Gargano, ed., Critical Essays on Henry James: The Late Novels (Boston: G. K. Hall, 1987), 46.

51. Susan Mizruchi, The Science of Sacrifice: American Literature and Modern Social Theory (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1998), 211; Bentley, 84. Edel and others have read The Sacred Fount through the metaphor of vampirism, and Gabler-Hover even calls the heroine of In the Cage a "psychic vampire" (265).

52. Bentley, 70.

53. Sinclair, "What Life Means to Me," Cosmopolitan 44 (1906): 593.

54. June Howard, Form and History in American Literary Naturalism (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1985), 160.

55. Scott Derrick, "Gender in The Jungle," in Sinclair, The Jungle, 499; Jacqueline Tavernier-Courbin, "The Call of the Wild and The Jungle: Jack London's and Upton Sinclair's Animal and Human Jungles," in The Cambridge Companion to American Realism and Naturalism, ed. Donald Pizer (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1995), 260; Sinclair, The Jungle, 175, 177.

56. Bourdieu himself does not escape this problem; in fact, he ends up following others in food studies by describing a working-class meal that derives its dignity and positivity from its expression of the collective life of the eaters present, far more than from their physical consumption. The latter appears instead as a kind of transparent fact—"natural enjoyment" (Bourdieu, 7)—in a way that several commentators have found oversimplifying (and sentimentalizing) of the inevitably more tortuous human relation to food. See Mary Douglas, "Good Taste: Review of Pierre Bourdieu, La Distinction," in her In the Active Voice (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1982), 125–134; Korsmeyer, 63–67; and Wood, 22.

57. See Sinclair, "On Fasting," Contemporary Review 98 (1910): 380–84; and "Starving for Health's Sake," Cosmopolitan 48 (1910): 739–46. For a discussion of Sinclair's autobiographical writings about diet, see William Bloodworth, "From The Jungle to The Fasting Cure: Upton Sinclair on American Food," Journal of American Culture 2 (Fall 1979): 444–53. Bloodworth also notes that, despite his famous claim, Sinclair in fact "plead[ed] with President Roosevelt to investigate sanitary conditions in the Chicago packing plants" and refused to desist until the Pure Food and Drug act was passed (448).

58. It is interesting to note that Sedgwick's "Beast" essay in fact stands as a rare instance of doing so; see Sedgwick, "Beast," 191, 208–9. See also van Rosevelt; and Tim Armstrong's Modernism, Technology, and the Body, discussed in more detail below, on James's diet in relation to his work on the New York Edition, about which Holly also comments, though in a very different register. See Carol Holly, "The Emotional Aftermath of the New York Edition," in Henry James's New York Edition: The Construction of Authorship, ed. David McWhirter (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1995), 167–84. To my knowledge, Veeder is the only critic to have touched on the alimentary language of In the Cage, though he does so much less extendedly than I aim to here, and in the service of a very different, psychoanalytically oriented reading that to my mind works too much simply to confirm various "negative traits" that others have found in the story's heroine ("Toxic Mothers, Cultural Criticism: 'In the Cage' and Elsewhere," Henry James Review 14 [1993]: 265).

59. Edel, Henry James, 2:272.

60. Consider, for starters, references in Edel, Henry James, 2:152, 171, 173, 200, 262, 4:292.

61. James, quoted in Edel, Henry James, 2:173. [End Page 58]

62. James, A Small Boy and Others, in Autobiography, ed. Frederick W. Dupee (New York: Criterion, 1956), 42.

63. Edel, Henry James, 2:154.

64. Given A Small Boy's lengthy disquisition on fruit, it is perhaps unsurprising that oranges recur as an image for James, at one point to comment on the art of Peter Paul Rubens ("he throws away his oranges when he has given them but a single squeeze" [James, quoted in Edel, Henry James, 2:174]), and at another to characterize his own play The High Bid in a 1908 letter to Gertrude Elliott: "I only get the sense that you are asking of the little play . . . a bearing that it didn't and couldn't pretend to have, and that can no more be inserted into it after the fact than seeds, say, can be inserted into a (seedless) California orange (I have just eaten one for lunch!) after the tight-skinned golden ball has been exposed on the fruit-stall" (Letters, 4:496). Might someone venture a queer reading of James and fruit? Curiously enough, William uses a list of different fruits—"oranges and apples, lemon and quince, figs and pears"—to illustrate his youthful tendencies toward obsessive brooding in the notes for his 1896 Lowell lectures at Harvard (Eugene Taylor, William James on Exceptional Mental States: The 1896 Lowell Lectures [New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1983], 139).

65. By 1913, indeed, James appears comfortable enough with the books-as-food metaphor to divide his own writings, for an "earnest young man from Texas" interested in studying them, into "beef and potatoes" (the more substantial works) and "little tarts" (the shorter tales), prompting Dorothea Krook's delightful chapter title "The Beef and the Little Tarts" (Krook, The Ordeal of Consciousness in Henry James [Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1962], 325).

66. James, "The Awkward Age," in The Art of Criticism, 306.

67. See, for example, Edel, Henry James, 2:343 ("I am as broad as I am long, as fat as a butter-tub and as red as a British materfamilias"); Letters, 3:212 (describing fencing an a means of warding off "the symptoms of a portentous corpulence"); and Letters, 4:293 ("I am growing painfully fat"), among others.

68. Horace Fletcher, The New Glutton or Epicure (New York: Frederick A. Stokes, 1903), 110. See also Hillel Schwartz, Never Satisfied: A Cultural History of Diets, Fantasies, and Fat (New York: The Free Press, 1986), 126.

69. Fletcher, New Glutton, 273. See James C. Whorton, Crusaders for Fitness: The History of American Health Reformers (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1982), 198. In addition to Whorton, important cultural histories of Fletcherizing, in the context of other late nineteenth-century diet and nutrition fads, appear in Schwartz and Harvey Levenstein, Revolution at the Table: The Transformation of the American Diet (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1988). See also Isaac F. Marcosson, "The Growth of Fletcherism," World's Work 11 (1905–1906): 7324–28, for an adulatory journalistic treatment of Fletcher during the height of the craze itself.

70. Henry James to William James, 7 March 1904, quoted in Holly, 170. Holly offers by far the most detailed account of James's Fletcherizing; see also Armstrong and Schwartz.

71. Zabel, 6.

72. Tanner, 314.

73. James, "The Awkward Age," 301.

74. As Korsmeyer points out, the word "taste" can also refer to a "very small amount" of something, a notion that maps onto good taste as the sort of "careful discernment" that can detect the minutest nuances (40). This aspect solders aesthetic taste to the gustatory sort in the discussion of the wine-tasting contest from Don Quixote in David [End Page 59] Hume's essay "Of the Standard of Taste": the accomplished taster not only knows good from bad but is able to discern hints of leather or metal in a barrel of wine when a leather-strung key has been placed at the bottom; see Korsmeyer, 52.

75. Gribble, 111.

76. George Santayana, The Sense of Beauty: Being the Outline of Aesthetic Theory (1896; repr., New York: Dover, 1955), 36.

77. Korsmeyer, 68.

78. Norman, 427; Aswell, 384, 383.

79. Santayana, 37.

80. Santayana, 38; my emphasis.

81. This detail, indeed, of the telegraphist's having fallen from a higher class position has led some readers, such as Krook, to see her as a mere bourgeois manqué; see Krook, 5. This reading cannot account, however, for those aspects of the story that align her with the mass reader; put otherwise, it isn't possible to have it both ways, to denigrate James for imagining only a formerly higher-class girl could be an artist figure and for associating her with the mass reader he decried.

82. Woods Hutchinson, "Some Diet Delusions," McClure's 26 (1906): 611.

83. Marcosson, 7324.

84. Russell Chittenden, "Biographical Memoir of Russell Henry Chittenden, 1856– 1943," by Hubert Vickery, vol. 24, National Academy of Sciences: Biographical Memoirs (1947), 80–81, quoted in Whorton, 187.

85. Wilbur O. Atwater, "Food and Diet," USDA pamphlet, 1895, quoted in Michelle Stacey, "Seeds of Self-Denial: The Transformation of Food in the 1890s," in her Consumed: Why Americans Love, Hate, and Fear Food (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1994), 28, 30. Intrigued by Atwater's writings, Edward Atkinson, a businessman, teamed with two nutritionists, Ellen Richards (the first woman faculty member of MIT) and Mary Hinman Abel, to create a series of public kitchens aimed at teaching better eating habits to the masses. It was believed that workers overspent on food that was neither cost-efficient nor good for them, and that socialist agitation might diminish greatly were they to save some money instead. As Levenstein has documented, not only the reformers' suspect motives but their "bland palates and underdeveloped appreciations of the joy of eating" offered little incentive to working men and women to change their ways. Moreover, Levenstein notes, "To most workers, eating better food, usually more meat and particularly more beefsteak, was one of the major rewards of hard work and a respectable job" (56).

86. Bourdieu, 7.

87. Levenstein, 95.

88. Writing in an era when many feared "autointoxication"—poisoning by one's own digestive tract—as a major public health menace, Fletcher asserted that feces produced by his system, purified of all toxins, would emerge compact and inoffensive, with "no more odor than a hot biscuit"; to prove his point, he once sent some of his own via post to Chittenden, for scientific inspection (Schwartz, 5).

89. For Armstrong, the only scholar to have yet considered James's writing in relation to his dietary practices, "efficiency" functions as the key term for yoking the two. As James Fletcherized throughout the early 1900s, he simultaneously "chewed over" ("ruminated" upon) his previous writings in preparing the New York Edition. The result, Armstrong argues, was a textual corpus paralleling the disciplined Fletcherized body: "balanced, regulated, and lighter" as a result of "pruning" and the "elimination of waste" (52, 57). Armstrong's work is bold and welcome in taking literal eating seriously in its [End Page 60] consideration of a writer as seemingly cerebral as James. Yet, granted that efficiency was one of the era's indisputable manias, is it really the best way to understand why Fletcherism spoke to James on the spot, or even to characterize Fletcher himself? Below, I argue why it might not be.

90. See Fletcher, New Glutton, 151. "[W]hat sense is there," Fletcher demanded, "in throwing away a palatable morsel of food when the taste is at its best, or while taste lasts at all . . . ?" (New Glutton, 159). In fact, the very final moment of that morsel's persistence in the mouth was thought "best of all," a "last indescribably sweet flash of taste, which Taste offers as a pousse café to those who serve it with respect" (New Glutton, 196, 182). As the metaphor suggests, every bite here had become a multi-course meal in itself.

91. Fletcher, Fletcherism: What It Is; or How I Became Young at Sixty (London: Ewart, Seymour, and Co., 1913), 84, 51, 44. James himself eventually seems to have forgotten this caveat; by 1908, Holly shows, his depression over the poor sales of the New York Edition was leading to an extreme Fletcherizing verging on anorexia, to the point that, "more and more sickishly loathing food," he was advised to abandon the diet in 1910 (Letters, 4:547). Yet this fall into truly excessive chewing had been warned against by Fletcher for precisely this reason, that it drained all pleasure from the act of eating. Hence, while Whorton, for example, reads James's case as one of many instances of "bradyfagy" caused by Fletcherism (198), Fletcher himself specifically distinguishes his program from bradyfagy, or "excessive chewing . . . Fletcherism is NOT EXCESIVE CHEWING," he wrote (Fletcherism, 51).

92. Marcosson, 7328.

93. Fletcher, New Glutton, 103; Fletcher, Fletcherism, 28–29. A quite wonderful instance of this viewpoint in action is offered in New Glutton, where Fletcher describes, upon alighting from a train, that "[a]ppetite chose at once a fat, rich ham sandwich, a glass of creamy milk and a hexagonal segment of mince pie" (120). While this account survives from an earlier edition of the text, in the later one James read, he does add a footnote explaining that in the five years since he has become more wary (if not prohibitive) about meat-eating in general. Nothing is taken back, however, about the pie, that American staple that other reformers shunned as a "symbo[l] of degeneracy" (Laura Shapiro, Perfection Salad: Women and Cooking at the Turn of the Century [New York: The Modern Library, 2001], 179).

94. See Peter Melville, "A 'Friendship of Taste': The Aesthetics of Eating Well in Kant's Anthropology from a Pragmatic Point of View," in Cultures of Taste/Theories of Appetite: Eating Romanticism, ed. Timothy Morton (New York: Palgrave, 2004), 205–16.

95. Simmel, 348.

96. Francis Crowinshield, Manners for the Metropolis (New York: Appleton, 1909), 40, quoted in Levenstein, 95.

97. Gribble, 114. Both Tessa Hadley's Henry James and the Imagination of Pleasure (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 2002) and Gribble's underrated (and often curiously misread) essay "Cages" also emphasize pleasure's role in the story in a way similar to my own reading here.

98. Stuart Hutchinson, 24.

99. She refers more than once, for example, to her admiration of the "latent force" evident in his act of throwing a drunken soldier, "a big violent man," out of the grocery (In the Cage, 455, 404).

100. Here James's heroine might seem at last to dovetail with Bourdieu's working-class eater: "The hedonism which seizes day by day the rare satisfactions ('good times') of [End Page 61] the immediate present is the only philosophy conceivable to those who 'have no future' and, in any case, little to expect from the future. . . . [T]his temporal immanentism is a recognition of the limits which define the condition" (180, 183). Curiously enough, however, this same description fits the epicure as defined, from a nearly opposite perspective, by Kass: "True, [the epicure] lives the truth about the fleetingness of things and knows how to savor the immediate and take delight in the now. But for this very reason his way of 'knowing' is closed to the permanent or eternal. He dances lightly on the stage, loving every particularity" (90–91). What an odd tension here, where the same "temporal immanentism" leads either to a philosophy of "seizing," a desperate bid at getting what one can, and to the "lightness" of the epicure. In James's heroine, however, we actually do see something akin to both, albeit with a difference: a desperation that leads, not to voraciousness, but to a determined luxuriating that is nonetheless anything but "light" in tone.

101. This denial of the possibility of simply "having" is why I do not see the telegraphist's role here, or James's own, as characterized by what Jean-Christophe Agnew memorably termed James's "consuming vision." See Agnew, "The Consuming Vision of Henry James," in The Culture of Consumption, ed. Richard Wightman Fox and T. J. Jackson Lears (New York: Pantheon, 1983), 65–100. Although Agnew often relies on metaphors derived from literal consuming ("cognitive appetite," "hungry eye" [74]), "vision" is the key idea in his essay. It enables an ideal of "having" (97) without, in fact, using up, one thus finally far more applicable to objects, such as furniture and objets d'art, than to actual foodstuffs.

102. Rebecca West, quoted in Edel, introduction to The Sacred Fount, by James (1901; repr., New York: New Directions, 1983), 3.

103. Clover Adams, quoted in Ernest Samuels, Henry Adams: The Middle Years (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1958), 169.

104. Michel Serres, The Parasite, trans. Lawrence R. Schehr (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1983), 3, 11.

105. Serres, 11.

106. Serres, 13. The extension of this positioning to the novelist, or storyteller, is implicit in Serres' own conception, at one point, of the parasite as he who, having been invited to dine, "must regale the other diners with his stories and his mirth. To be exact, he exchanges good talk for good food; he buys his dinner, paying for it in words" (34). Here, James's own account of the work at times involved in "tugging at the relaxed bell-rope of one's brain for a feeble tinkle of conversation" comes to mind.

107. Edel, Henry James, 4:248.

108. Jean-François Lyotard, "The Sublime and the Avant-Garde," in his The Inhuman: Reflections on Time, trans. Geoffrey Bennington and Rachel Bowlby (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1991), 91. Defined as such, the sublime, in Burke's version more than in Kant's, is for Lyotard the emblematic mode of modern art. In the face of the terrifying "possibility of nothing happening," art continues, not to insist "It happens" but to ask, "Is it happening?"—that question by which "the soul is returned to the agitated zone between life and death" (100). Such art thus "bear[s] witness" at once "to the power, and the privation, of the spirit" (101). [End Page 62]

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